宋韻：登峰造極的兩宋文明（八）

徐吉軍

（續(xù)上期）

十是移風(fēng)易俗

風(fēng)俗對(duì)封建統(tǒng)治具有舉足輕重的作用，古人所說(shuō)的“風(fēng)行俗成，萬(wàn)世之基定”，說(shuō)的便是這個(gè)意思。對(duì)此，宋代統(tǒng)治者深有體會(huì)，普遍認(rèn)為國(guó)家的治亂興衰與社會(huì)風(fēng)俗的善惡是密切聯(lián)系在一起的，如司馬光說(shuō)：“竊以國(guó)家之治亂本于禮，而風(fēng)俗之善惡系于習(xí)?！碧K軾說(shuō)：“夫國(guó)家之所以存亡者，在道德之淺深，不在乎強(qiáng)與弱;歷數(shù)之所以長(zhǎng)短者，在風(fēng)俗之厚薄，不在乎富與貧。道德誠(chéng)深，風(fēng)俗誠(chéng)厚，雖貧且弱，不害于長(zhǎng)而存;道德誠(chéng)淺，風(fēng)俗誠(chéng)薄，雖強(qiáng)且富，不救于短而亡?！庇衷唬骸叭酥畨圬苍谠?dú)猓瑖?guó)之長(zhǎng)短在風(fēng)俗?！庇纱?，統(tǒng)治者在執(zhí)政過(guò)程中善于通過(guò)“移風(fēng)易俗”來(lái)加強(qiáng)對(duì)民眾的教化和引導(dǎo)，推行其治國(guó)之策，從而實(shí)現(xiàn)“風(fēng)行俗成，萬(wàn)世之基定”的統(tǒng)治目的。

風(fēng)俗在傳承的過(guò)程中，由于受社會(huì)、政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)以及軍事等種種因素的影響，特別是社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展，使其在內(nèi)容和形式上產(chǎn)生某些變異性的特征。而宋朝正是由于社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)的迅速發(fā)展，從而促使傳統(tǒng)的風(fēng)俗習(xí)慣發(fā)生了一系列的變化，呈現(xiàn)出許多新的特征，其重要標(biāo)志是隨著庶民、商人階層的興起，士庶之禮界限被打破，產(chǎn)生許多新的風(fēng)俗，為后世所遵循。特別是宋人的忠義氣節(jié)，被民國(guó)時(shí)期的著名學(xué)者張亮采評(píng)為“萬(wàn)古國(guó)家社會(huì)風(fēng)俗上之標(biāo)準(zhǔn)也”（張亮采《中國(guó)風(fēng)俗史》第四編《宋》）。近人嚴(yán)復(fù)更是從政治史的角度扼要地論述了這一點(diǎn)，他說(shuō)：“古人好讀前四史，亦以其文字耳！若研究人心政俗之變，則趙宋一代歷史，最宜究心。中國(guó)所以成為今日現(xiàn)象者，為善為惡，姑不具論，而為宋人之所造就，什八九可斷言也。”

在飲食上，隨著宋代經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展，宵禁的解除，當(dāng)時(shí)的飲食已經(jīng)從過(guò)去的一日兩餐改為一日三餐。日常食品、飲品的種類，既有各種主食和菜肴，又有茶、酒、湯和水果等。各地對(duì)飲食口味的偏好呈現(xiàn)出鮮明的地域特色，大抵上是南人飯稻羹魚(yú)，嗜咸;北人食物以麥粟和禽肉為主，嗜甜，其中中州及城市人食淡。于是，川菜、粵菜、浙菜、京饌等菜肴體系便脫穎而出。在當(dāng)時(shí)，人們多以茶果待客，客至設(shè)茶，辭則點(diǎn)湯，乃天下通俗。與此同時(shí)，人們開(kāi)始重視飲食的養(yǎng)生和衛(wèi)生，這在京城中體現(xiàn)得尤為突出，如孟元老《東京夢(mèng)華錄》卷五《民俗》載：“凡百所賣(mài)飲食之人，裝鮮凈盤(pán)合器皿，車檐動(dòng)使，奇巧可愛(ài)，食味和羮，不敢草略。”一些有識(shí)之士還針對(duì)社會(huì)上飲食奢侈浪費(fèi)現(xiàn)象提出了節(jié)儉淡泊的觀念，他們反對(duì)縱欲任性，崇尚素食菜羹、節(jié)制飲食，倡導(dǎo)自然之味，對(duì)今日的民族健康提供了思想導(dǎo)引，同時(shí)也成為中華民族文化博大精深的閃光點(diǎn)。

服飾是人們?nèi)粘Ｉ畹闹饕獌?nèi)容之一。在階級(jí)社會(huì)中，它不僅僅是為了滿足人類本能的御寒暑和裝飾欲望，而且是作為等級(jí)標(biāo)志而出現(xiàn)的。中國(guó)歷代社會(huì)都十分重視冠服之制，并用禮法加以約束，“貴賤有級(jí)，服位有等”（賈誼《新書(shū)》卷一《服疑》）。因此，服飾的變動(dòng)一般都不大。這正如《閱世編》的作者在書(shū)中所說(shuō)：“一代之興，必有一代冠服之制，其時(shí)尚隨時(shí)變更，要不過(guò)與世遷流，一新一時(shí)耳目，其大端大體終莫敢易也。”在宋代，服飾成為人們體現(xiàn)自身意趣、財(cái)富和身份地位及價(jià)值觀念最直接、最普遍的自我表現(xiàn)。南宋周輝《清波雜志》卷八《垂肩冠》就說(shuō)，他小時(shí)候見(jiàn)婦女裝束，數(shù)年即一變。如他過(guò)去常見(jiàn)的高冠長(zhǎng)梳，名“大梳裹”，非盛禮不用。但幾十后則非常罕見(jiàn)，被人們稱為新奇之物。這種日新月異的服飾風(fēng)尚，以致突破貴賤等級(jí)的階級(jí)堤防，波及宋代社會(huì)的各個(gè)階層。

在住居方面，宋代與唐代相比發(fā)生了較大的變化，官僚士大夫中普遍流行建造園林式的住宅，其建筑經(jīng)歷了從高大宏偉到小巧精致的發(fā)展過(guò)程。富貴人家除在宅第建造別具匠心的假山外，還喜歡種植各種各樣的奇花異卉。在建房過(guò)程中，還形成了一整套人們共同遵循的風(fēng)俗事項(xiàng)，這具體表現(xiàn)在選址中的定向、備梁時(shí)的斷木墩和開(kāi)木墩、卸屋時(shí)的祭祖、破土?xí)r的祭土、砌墻時(shí)的石敢當(dāng)、豎柱與上梁時(shí)的拋梁、園屋后的宴請(qǐng)、做脊時(shí)的植蔥、盤(pán)灶后的起火、入宅時(shí)的次序、裝龍板時(shí)的收予告、諸親好友的饋贈(zèng)和村民們的互助等。宋代重文，故此士大夫之家往往建有讀書(shū)用的書(shū)室（或稱書(shū)屋、書(shū)閣）。宋代道教和佛教趨于民間化，故人們往往在家中設(shè)有道室或佛堂、神佛堂。宋代統(tǒng)治者以孝治國(guó)，理學(xué)家也極力宣揚(yáng)孝道，故家廟在士大夫家中也頗為常見(jiàn)。建筑物的匾榜風(fēng)俗有所變化。如北宋時(shí)立匾榜，必系以亭、堂、齋、閣之名;但至南宋，書(shū)匾則略去了這些字樣。需要說(shuō)明的是，自宋代椅子的出現(xiàn)與在日常生活中的廣泛運(yùn)用，開(kāi)始流行坐姿更為舒適、方便的坐榻，變?yōu)榇棺愣瑥亩淖兞宋覈?guó)自商周以來(lái)延續(xù)了數(shù)千年的席地而坐、以伸足為箕居的跪坐方式。高鏡臺(tái)等新式的高足家具不僅盛行于民間，而且還形成了完整的系列組合，日益排擠著傳統(tǒng)的供席地起居的家具組合，迫使它們退出歷史舞臺(tái)，從而為中國(guó)古代家具步入成熟期奠定了基礎(chǔ)，最后迎來(lái)了中國(guó)古代家具的黃金時(shí)代，形成在藝術(shù)造型、工藝技巧和實(shí)用功能都日臻完善的明式家具。

在交通風(fēng)俗上，宋代同樣發(fā)生了變化。以陸上交通工具之一的轎子為例，便經(jīng)歷了一個(gè)大的發(fā)展過(guò)程。轎子起初僅限于皇家使用，是一種尊貴的象征。程大昌《演繁露》謂：“祖宗時(shí)，臣僚雖在外，亦不許乘轎。”京城百官自宰臣至百執(zhí)事，皆乘馬出入。后來(lái)皇帝為了照顧年老有疾的元老大臣，特許他們乘轎，以示特恩優(yōu)禮。為此，文武大臣們將乘轎視為一種莫大的殊榮，如蒙皇上允準(zhǔn)，則往往顯得受寵若驚、誠(chéng)惶誠(chéng)恐。到北宋末年，隨著社會(huì)風(fēng)氣的變化，乘轎之風(fēng)迅速在都城開(kāi)封盛行起來(lái)。政和七年（1117），有臣僚向徽宗上言：“謂法禁民庶之家不得乘轎。今京城內(nèi)暖轎，非命官至富民、娼優(yōu)、下賤，遂以為常。僭禮犯分，禁亦不可以緩。”以至京城中還出現(xiàn)了“賃轎之家”，也就是公開(kāi)從事轎子的出租業(yè)務(wù)。南宋定都臨安以后，乘轎之風(fēng)更盛，以至出現(xiàn)了“無(wú)人不乘轎也”的現(xiàn)象。

婚姻禮俗，唐代基本遵行古代婚姻六禮：納采、問(wèn)名、納吉、納征、請(qǐng)期、親迎。而至宋代，六禮多廢，簡(jiǎn)化為納采、納幣、親迎三禮。古代婚禮不道賀、不作樂(lè)。宋代女子出嫁以花飾衣冠，坐花轎，以聲樂(lè)迎導(dǎo)，以及新婚夫婦拜天地、當(dāng)日廟見(jiàn)、吃交杯酒等禮節(jié)習(xí)俗，都對(duì)古代婚姻禮制進(jìn)行了革命性的改變，在社會(huì)上廣泛流行，形成新的禮儀習(xí)俗，為最高統(tǒng)治者及道學(xué)家們所認(rèn)可，為后世所遵循沿用。針對(duì)當(dāng)時(shí)婚姻論財(cái)、“榜下捉婿”、早婚和褥節(jié)陋俗的現(xiàn)象，一些政治家著書(shū)立說(shuō)，更新婚姻觀念，極力提倡文明婚姻，力圖進(jìn)行改革。

喪葬在中國(guó)所具有的重要作用之一，就是它的社會(huì)教化與文化積淀。統(tǒng)治者企圖通過(guò)限制喪葬儀物的等級(jí)分配來(lái)制約風(fēng)尚，區(qū)分循禮與非禮，并時(shí)刻保護(hù)特權(quán)階層的利益不受異己力量的侵犯，在政治生活中形成金字塔般的等級(jí)序列，專制君主高居其上，蕓蕓眾官拜伏在身著龍冠龍袍的君子腳下，聆聽(tīng)帝王的訓(xùn)諭，皇權(quán)可借此進(jìn)一步神圣化。同時(shí)，喪葬中這種等級(jí)規(guī)定，也可促使生活于社會(huì)最底層的勞苦大眾形成“貴賤不相逾”的社會(huì)生活方式，一切按本份行事，以達(dá)到潛移默化、鞏固統(tǒng)治的目的。宋太祖趙匡胤說(shuō)：“王者設(shè)棺槨之品，建封樹(shù)之制，所以厚人倫而一風(fēng)化。”（王偁《東都事略》卷2）其本意正在于此。然而隨著時(shí)代的發(fā)展，殯葬風(fēng)俗到宋代逐漸發(fā)生了變化。莊綽《雞肋編》便曰：“禮文亡闕，無(wú)若近時(shí)，而婚喪尤為乖喪。又信時(shí)日，卜葬嘗遠(yuǎn)，且惜殯葬之費(fèi)，多停柩其家，亦不設(shè)涂甓，至頓置百物于棺上，如幾案焉。過(guò)卒哭則不祭，唯旦望節(jié)序，薄具酒荈祭之，亦不哭，是可怪也。”在這一時(shí)期，人們十分重視吊喪禮儀。親友凡有喪事，一般皆親臨吊唁;即使因故或在異地不能前往，也必派人馳書(shū)持禮往吊。士大夫吊喪時(shí)，通常還有挽聯(lián)。一般認(rèn)為，挽聯(lián)亦始于宋代。宋代祭奠時(shí)還出現(xiàn)紙錢(qián)、紙彩絹衣、紙制金銀元寶等紙?jiān)内て?，其中焚化用紙錢(qián)又稱冥幣、冥財(cái)或楮錢(qián)，此俗流傳至今猶然。陸游《放翁家訓(xùn)》主張喪事從簡(jiǎn)，紙?jiān)髌鳌跋阃せ晖ぁ⒃⑷嗽ⅠR之類，當(dāng)一切屏去”。以節(jié)約土地、保護(hù)環(huán)境的火葬，在宋代非常盛行，成為一種社會(huì)習(xí)俗。江少虞《宋朝事實(shí)類苑》載：“河?xùn)|人眾地狹，民家有喪事，雖至親，悉燔爇，取骨燼寄僧舍中。以至積久，棄捐乃已，習(xí)以為俗?！贝撕?，該風(fēng)氣愈演愈烈，使宋代成為中國(guó)歷史上火葬最為盛行的時(shí)期。據(jù)美國(guó)學(xué)者埃布莉研究，宋代的火葬率在10%-30%之間。

宋代的節(jié)慶民俗活動(dòng)多采多姿，特色鮮明，春節(jié)、元宵、寒食、清明、社日、端午、七夕、中秋、重陽(yáng)、除夕等歲時(shí)佳節(jié)與各種名目的宗教、政治節(jié)日，構(gòu)成了絢麗多姿的風(fēng)俗長(zhǎng)廊和人文景觀。特別是經(jīng)濟(jì)的繁榮，使當(dāng)時(shí)的節(jié)日與商業(yè)活動(dòng)密切結(jié)合，刺激民眾消費(fèi)，以消費(fèi)拉動(dòng)生產(chǎn)。這種“假日經(jīng)濟(jì)”，促使民俗的內(nèi)容更加新穎豐富、更加隆重繁盛，關(guān)撲、元宵觀燈賞戲、清明踏青、龍舟爭(zhēng)標(biāo)、放風(fēng)箏、蕩秋千、蹴鞠、打球、斗雞、馳馬、拔河、相撲、賞月、觀潮弄潮、水戲、登高爬山、踏歌觀舞，以及郊游野餐、賞花宴飲等充滿娛樂(lè)色彩的節(jié)日活動(dòng)，讓民眾寄情于自然的適意和消遣，縱情歡娛，過(guò)得快樂(lè)，感受到人生的情趣，從而逐步形成了一些全國(guó)性的民俗，影響及于后世。

在經(jīng)濟(jì)和生態(tài)風(fēng)俗中，宋代也形成了一些值得后世傳承的良風(fēng)美俗。如人們非常重視林業(yè)生產(chǎn)和保護(hù)，注重植樹(shù)造林，將種樹(shù)作為一種保持水土、美化環(huán)境的投資活動(dòng)，還 嚴(yán) 禁 盲 目 砍伐。對(duì)耕牛非常重視，視為農(nóng)家之寶。為了防止羊生病，形成了不早牧的風(fēng)俗。為保護(hù)自然生態(tài)環(huán)境的基本平衡，重視保護(hù)動(dòng)植物、合理利用自然資源以及保護(hù)水土等。

兩宋堪稱“舉世重交游”的時(shí)代，米芾《方回帖》中所說(shuō)的“終日對(duì)客，無(wú)可暇適”，是當(dāng)時(shí)社會(huì)風(fēng)俗的真實(shí)反映。其時(shí)社會(huì)各階層的人際社會(huì)交往十分活躍，交往非常廣泛，親友、同學(xué)、同年、師生、僚友、世交、同鄉(xiāng)、方外等均有其各具特色的社交圈子，其中最為活躍的當(dāng)為士之交游。以各種社會(huì)關(guān)系而形成不同形式的交游，有其獨(dú)特的交際禮儀和習(xí)俗。宋代的見(jiàn)面禮儀大體上可分為兩類：一類是官場(chǎng)上的儀制，其特點(diǎn)是繁文縟節(jié)和等級(jí)觀念;另一類是士庶交往的民間禮儀，也有不少具體的規(guī)則或約定俗成。據(jù)文獻(xiàn)記載，宋人見(jiàn)客一般均穿常服，但須衣冠端正。待客座次，傳統(tǒng)的《曲禮》主張“主人就東階，客就西階”。宋人在傳統(tǒng)的基礎(chǔ)上有所革新。沈括說(shuō)：“古人尚右，主人居左。坐客在右者，尊賓也。今人或以主人之位讓客，此甚無(wú)義?！彼抉R光主張與賓友相接，當(dāng)正襟危坐。南宋朱熹主張不以官品而以年齒排座次。隨著生活習(xí)慣的改變、椅子等的廣泛使用，宋人待客方式也從席地的“盤(pán)足坐”而發(fā)展到“垂足坐”。拜禮是宋代最為廣泛的相見(jiàn)禮儀之一，但已遠(yuǎn)不如古，朱弁說(shuō)：“客有初相見(jiàn)者，必設(shè)拜褥（墊），雖多不講拜，而遺風(fēng)尚存?！惫湃肆?xí)以為常的“跪拜”，至宋代演變?yōu)橐灾磺幌サ摹把虐荨睘橹?。萬(wàn)福是宋代民間最為流行的相見(jiàn)時(shí)問(wèn)安禮。男子相揖、婦女萬(wàn)福，為天下通行之禮。

由于宋代統(tǒng)治者實(shí)行重文的國(guó)策，故社會(huì)上勤學(xué)好文之俗非常盛行。在福建地區(qū)，百姓們均以“家貧子讀書(shū)”為圭臬，“非獨(dú)士為然，農(nóng)、工、商各教子讀書(shū)，雖牧兒飴盍婦亦能口誦古人語(yǔ)言”。兩浙地區(qū)的好學(xué)之風(fēng)更勝于福建。袁桷說(shuō)：“溫與閩地，犬牙相入，俗秀而矜絜，子弟勝衣能文詞，父兄相與言，命束裝負(fù)書(shū)，以行四方，劘切感動(dòng)，約不有所就不復(fù)見(jiàn)。”慶元府（明州）“富家大族，皆訓(xùn)子弟以詩(shī)書(shū)，故其俗以儒素相先，不務(wù)驕奢。士之貧者，雖無(wú)擔(dān)石，而衣冠楚楚，亦不至于垢弊”。紹興“自宋以來(lái)，益知向?qū)W尊師擇友。南渡以后，弦誦之聲，比屋相聞”。蘇州“雖瀕海裔夷之邦，執(zhí)耒垂髫之子，孰不抱籍綴辭以干榮祿，褒然而赴詔者，不知其幾萬(wàn)數(shù)”;“父篤其子，兄勉其弟。有不被儒服而行，莫不恥焉”。江西文風(fēng)之盛不遜于兩浙，如饒州風(fēng)俗“為父兄者以其子與弟不文為咎，為母妻者以其子與夫不學(xué)為辱”。即使是過(guò)去被人們視為蠻夷落后的嶺南地區(qū)，同樣彌漫著好學(xué)的風(fēng)氣。《輿地紀(jì)勝》卷九三載廣東南雄曰：“其俗一而不雜，其風(fēng)淳而不漓，其人所訓(xùn)習(xí)多詩(shī)書(shū)禮樂(lè)之業(yè)……本朝以來(lái)，操翰墨以取青紫者比比相屬?！?/p>

有鑒于風(fēng)俗的重要作用，統(tǒng)治者紛紛謀劃治理之策，移風(fēng)易俗，冀望形成他們所認(rèn)為的“美俗”或“良俗”。從當(dāng)時(shí)的文獻(xiàn)記載來(lái)看，他們謀劃的治理良策大致有以下幾點(diǎn)：

一是自皇帝及宮廷做起。大中祥符元年（1008）二月，真宗對(duì)大臣王欽若說(shuō)：“古今風(fēng)俗，悉從上之所好?！保ā独m(xù)資治通鑒長(zhǎng)編》卷六八）大臣們也認(rèn)為，皇帝及后宮的表率作用顯得至關(guān)重要，其習(xí)俗好壞直接對(duì)官僚士大夫和民間的生活產(chǎn)生積極或消極影響。如北宋名臣宋祁說(shuō)：“上有所好，下必有甚者?！保ā毒拔募肪矶濉侗撅L(fēng)俗篇》）司馬光說(shuō)：“夫朝廷者，四方之表儀也。朝廷之政如是，則四方必有甚者矣?！庇衷唬骸皩m掖者，風(fēng)俗之源也;貴近者，眾庶之法也。故宮掖之所尚，則外必為之;貴近之所好，則下必效之。自然之勢(shì)也?！彼蠡实邸叭ド輳膬€”，“專用樸素，以率天下，矯正風(fēng)俗”（《司馬光奏議》卷七《謹(jǐn)習(xí)疏》、卷八《論財(cái)利疏》）。他們希望皇帝“省聲色之娛，杜奢淫之好，絕畋游之樂(lè)，節(jié)臺(tái)榭之觀”（《續(xù)資治通鑒長(zhǎng)編》卷一四三）。從文獻(xiàn)記載來(lái)看，一些開(kāi)明的帝王確實(shí)是注重以身作則的。如宋太祖十分注意表率模范作用，不事侈靡，而崇尚純樸，以冀創(chuàng)造一個(gè)良好的社會(huì)風(fēng)尚。史載宋太祖服用儉素，退朝時(shí)常穿普通的綢服、麻鞋，所居的寢殿門(mén)懸青布簾縵。其乘輿服用，也皆尚素質(zhì)。他為了養(yǎng)成全社會(huì)好學(xué)的風(fēng)氣，不僅自己“常以經(jīng)籍自?shī)省保疫€勸文武百官多讀書(shū)。相傳有一天他對(duì)大臣們說(shuō)：“朕即位以來(lái)，十三年矣。朕持儉素，外絕游觀之樂(lè)，內(nèi)卻聲色之娛，真實(shí)之言，固無(wú)虛飾。”（以上參見(jiàn)《宋朝事實(shí)類苑》卷二《祖宗圣訓(xùn)》）

二是從首都做起。宋人認(rèn)為首都為帝王及文武大臣所居之地，其對(duì)全國(guó)各地的風(fēng)俗產(chǎn)生了由中心向外擴(kuò)散的輻射力，因此在風(fēng)俗方面具有表率全國(guó)的作用，“風(fēng)俗典禮，四方仰之為師”（《都城紀(jì)勝》）。如陳舜俞指出：“今夫諸夏必取法于京師。所謂京師則何如？百奇之淵，眾偽之府，異服奇器，朝新于宮廷，暮仿于市井，不幾月而滿天下?！保愃从帷抖脊偌肪矶抖鼗濉罚┩醢彩热艘渤滞瑯拥挠^點(diǎn)，王安石說(shuō)：“且以圣人之化，自近及遠(yuǎn)，由內(nèi)及外。是以京師者，風(fēng)俗之樞機(jī)也，四方之所面內(nèi)而依仿也……至于發(fā)一端、作一事，衣冠車馬之奇，器物服玩之具，旦更奇制，夕染諸夏。”（《王文公文集》卷三二《風(fēng)俗》）

三是“斥奢汰，革風(fēng)俗”，并以儒家禮制及法律制度等加以約束（《續(xù)資治通鑒長(zhǎng)編》卷一四二）。在中國(guó)，歷代統(tǒng)治者長(zhǎng)期奉行“教訓(xùn)正俗，非禮不備”（《禮記·曲禮上》）的信條，認(rèn)為君臣士庶應(yīng)“衣別有制，宮室有度，人徒有數(shù)，喪祭械用，皆有等宜”（《荀子》卷五《王制篇》）。這就是說(shuō)，社會(huì)各階層的成員，從生到死，從衣食住行到政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、文化、交際等生活上都必須受到身份品級(jí)的限定?！百F賤有等，長(zhǎng)幼有差，貧富輕重皆有稱者也?！保ā盾髯印肪砹陡粐?guó)篇》）尊卑貴賤彼此不得逾越。禮制正是通過(guò)對(duì)消費(fèi)品的限定和等級(jí)分配來(lái)制約社會(huì)風(fēng)尚的變遷，區(qū)別循禮和非禮。違者為逾制或僭越，要受到法律的嚴(yán)厲制裁。統(tǒng)治者希望通過(guò)這種無(wú)處不在的現(xiàn)實(shí)等級(jí)形成“貴賤不相逾”的生活方式，使千家萬(wàn)戶相沿成習(xí)，一切按本分行事，以達(dá)到潛移默化、鞏固封建統(tǒng)治的目的。宋朝統(tǒng)治者曾幾次下禁奢詔，官員也多次上書(shū)禁奢侈之風(fēng)。

四是注重學(xué)校教育，實(shí)現(xiàn)化民成俗。因?yàn)樗麄兩钪盎駷樗?，莫先于學(xué)”（袁燮《絜齋集》卷六《祖宗家法》）。通過(guò)從小到大的儒家品行教育，提高民眾的文化素養(yǎng)，“以忠孝正風(fēng)俗”“一道德以同風(fēng)俗”，營(yíng)造良風(fēng)美俗的社會(huì)風(fēng)氣。

五是揚(yáng)善抑惡，移風(fēng)易俗。即對(duì)統(tǒng)治者認(rèn)為是好的風(fēng)俗加以提倡、弘揚(yáng)，而對(duì)他們認(rèn)為是惡的風(fēng)俗加以禁止。如對(duì)歷代圣帝明王及忠臣烈士，統(tǒng)治者便為他們建立祠廟或祠堂，希望他們能對(duì)后人起著勸戒和榜樣的作用，使“民益知夫大賢之忠于國(guó)者，雖死于不幸，后世必載祠典，嚴(yán)廟貌，奉事尊仰之。如此皆思勉而為善。自一邑而推一郡，由一郡而推諸四方，則其為勸也豈小補(bǔ)哉！”（《韓魏公集》卷一《新修晉太尉嵇公廟記》）而對(duì)那些危害社會(huì)的邪神淫祠則加以取締。其他，如提倡醫(yī)藥、反對(duì)巫術(shù)等也都屬于此類。

（作者系浙江省社科院歷史所原所長(zhǎng)）

Cultural Splendor of the Song Dynasty （VIII）

By Xu Jijun

Social customs and mores have played an important role in Chinas feudal system. This is what the ancients meant when they said， “customs and mores are the foundation of a society throughout ages.” The rulers of the Song dynasty （960-1279） were well aware of their importance， and generally believed that the rise and fall of a country were closely linked with social customs and mores， as the Song historian Sima Guang （1019-1086） once argued， “The crux of the governance of a country is in li （rituals）， while the good and evil of social customs and mores are tied to traditional practices.” Su Shi （1037-1101）， the renowned Song poet and statesman also contended， “The reason why a country prospers or collapses lies in its morality or lack thereof， not in its power or lack thereof; The reason why a dynasty lasts or not lies in the strengths of its customs or lack thereof， not in its wealth or lack thereof.” It is no coincidence that rulers historically spent a lot of effort on guiding and educating the public through influencing and changing customs， so as to stay in power for generations upon generations.

While largely stable in a certain period of time， social customs and mores， in the process of being passed down， tend to mutate with the input of new social， political， economic and military factors， especially during the time of rapid economic transformation as in the Song dynasty， when a series of changes took place， symbolized by the elevated status of the common people and the merchant class， and the breakdown of barriers between the gentry and the commoners.

With the lift of curfew， eating and dining habits were among the first changes. Taking three meals a day was the new norm， replacing the old one of taking two a day. The variety of food and drinks was more enriched， including staples and various dishes， as well as tea， wine， soup and fruit. Food flavors also took on a more distinct regional characteristic： the southerners， with rice as their staple food， preferred a saltier taste， while the northerners， with wheat and poultry meat as staples， preferred a sweeter taste; in the central region and in urban areas， people preferred a lighter taste. In terms of greeting the guests， there appeared to be no regional variation： everywhere， guests were welcomed with tea and fruit. Meanwhile， the Song people began to care more about food hygiene and food waste， and the ideas have since taken root for later generations to live a healthier life.

As an indispensable item， clothing has been a perennial concern in peoples daily life. In a class society， clothes were not only to meet the basic needs， but to decorate and， more significantly， act as a symbol of hierarchy. It is no wonder that throughout Chinese history， great importance had been attached to dressing， which was even codified in rituals and laws. Therefore， clothing styles generally remained stable over time. However， in the Song dynasty， clothing fashions shifted every few years and pecking orders reflected through attires quickly broke down， as the Song people increasingly expressed their own interests， wealth， status and values through all kinds of fast-changing wear.

The Song period witnessed transformations in housing as well， which drastically differed from the Tang dynasty （618-907）. Scholar-officials lived in the now popular garden residences， and whose architectural style went from being grand and majestic to being delicate and exquisite. Wealthy families were fond of not only building rockeries， but planting a variety of exotic flowers. In the process of building houses， a whole set of customs were established， for example the choice of a houses location and orientation， offering sacrifices to ancestors and the God of Land when breaking ground， hosting banquets when the house was built， and so on. Besides， the houses of scholar-officials usually had a separate study room for reading and learning， and Taoist， Buddhist and ancestral shrines were also a regular feature. Most notable of all， perhaps， was the popularization of chairs. Until the time， Chinese people had generally sat on mats or low platforms with low tables， but then gradually moved to using high tables with chairs， laying a solid foundation for the development of classical Chinese furniture.

The transportation habits of the Song people also saw quite a few changes. Take sedan chairs， one of the means of land transport， as an example. An exclusive privilege reserved for the royal family at first， the right to ride sedan chairs was later granted to ailment-afflicted senior and elderly officials as a special favor， who were only allowed to ride horses before. At the end of the Northern Song （960-1127）， sedan chairs had become so popular that not only officials and rich people， but commoners and even prostitutes took to them. Indeed， sedan-chair-renting services appeared in the capital. In the Southern Song （1127-1279）， riding sedan chairs was even more prevalent， that it was said “nobody goes out without a sedan chair”.

When it came to wedding customs， one significant reform in the Song was that the six rites which had been traditionally followed were streamlined into three， namely formal proposal， sending of betrothal gifts between the grooms and the brides families， and wedding ceremony. In fact， there had been no celebration and no merrymaking in weddings until the Song， when the folkways took a new turn： on the wedding day， the brides would wear decorated dress and ride in an ornamental litter， guided by upbeat music; ceremonies such as the “three kowtows” （i.e. kowtowing to heaven and earth， kowtowing to the parents and kowtowing to each other） and drinking cross-cupped wine had all been adopted by later generations.

Similar to weddings， funerals have been endowed with as much， if not more， cultural and social significance. During the Song， a good number of funeral rites needed to be observed. When people were usually expected to attend in person the funerals of their kith and kin; even if for some reason they could not make it， they should send a letter and gifts as a tribute. When scholar-officials paid their tribute， they often brought with them the elegiac couplets， which are now generally believed to have originated from this period. Another invention of the time was burning paper articles for dead people， including joss paper， paper clothes and paper gold and silver ingots. Joss paper， more commonly known as “hell money”， is still widely burnt today to commemorate deceased family members， relatives and friends.

Moreover， a range of traditional festivals were marked in the Song， including the Spring Festival， the Lantern Festival， the Qingming Festival， the Dragon Boat Festival， the Mid-Autumn Festival， among others， as well as a host of unique religious and political festivals， which， apart from their cultural importance， were also celebrated for leisure， and helped stimulate economic development and spur domestic consumption， as they were closely tied to commercial activities. Lesser known was the Song peoples concern for the environment. They advocated for the protection of forests， pastures and animals， strictly forbade rampant logging and called for the rational use of natural resources.

In light of the important role of those social customs and mores， the Song rulers and officials had tried a few approaches to popularize “good” ones and curb “bad” ones. One way was by leading by example： the emperor， the imperial court and the capital city would lead the way in observing the customs that were deemed desirable， and shrines and temples would be built for the paragons of virtue and those who followed harmful practices， such as witchcraft， would be punished. Another was by codifying these customs through Confucian rituals， imperial edicts and official laws. Finally， through the school education system， good social values were inculcated into the general public.