從阿文說(shuō)起的浙江故事

胡宏偉

1986 年，溫州蒼南縣金鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)的阿文，有一家夫妻倆自己打理的生產(chǎn)鋁質(zhì)徽章的小作坊。被問(wèn)到“為什么要開(kāi)作坊”，阿文答道：“家里太窮?！睆哪且院螅⑽牡南⒎路饠嗔司€(xiàn)的風(fēng)箏，人海茫茫，而當(dāng)有人再次提起阿文時(shí)，只聽(tīng)說(shuō)他的廠(chǎng)子已經(jīng)有了100 多名員工。

對(duì)于浙江的發(fā)展，印象最深刻的是什么？什么才是浙江最驕傲的？很多人或許會(huì)馬上提到一個(gè)關(guān)鍵詞：“人民富裕?！?/p>

共富基礎(chǔ)：根植于百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)

阿文的老家蒼南縣金鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)當(dāng)年其實(shí)根本不是“金子之鄉(xiāng)”，從鄰縣遠(yuǎn)嫁而來(lái)的妻子為此總是埋怨阿文，說(shuō)自己是“被騙過(guò)來(lái)”的。1978年時(shí)，這個(gè)地處浙江最南端、距離福建20多公里路的瀕海小鎮(zhèn)人均耕地不足0.2畝，人均年收入僅20元，金鄉(xiāng)以“討飯之鄉(xiāng)”遠(yuǎn)近聞名。我曾經(jīng)追問(wèn)阿文，他家里當(dāng)年到底有多窮？他淡淡地說(shuō)了一句 ：“老婆差點(diǎn)跑掉了?！?/p>

貧窮，絕不僅僅是阿文難言的心頭之痛。改革開(kāi)放之初，溫州百姓的窮苦可以用“令人震驚”來(lái)形容。國(guó)家級(jí)貧困縣溫州文成縣民政局曾做了個(gè)調(diào)查，稱(chēng)全縣缺半年以上口糧的人口占全縣的35%。

正因?yàn)楦F，因?yàn)橥?，?dāng)改革剛剛透出第一線(xiàn)松動(dòng)的光亮，溫州人就蜂擁而上。改革往往需要付出難以預(yù)料的代價(jià)，但溫州人已經(jīng)窮得沒(méi)有什么值得自己猶豫的代價(jià)了。他們，成為一群最先感知春江水暖的鴨子。而且，那真正是浩浩蕩蕩的一大群鴨子。

很快，阿文發(fā)現(xiàn)一切都變了。古鎮(zhèn)的街頭巷尾神速冒出3000多個(gè)家庭小作坊，清一色生產(chǎn)鋁質(zhì)徽章和塑料飯菜票，產(chǎn)品幾乎占據(jù)了中國(guó)50%的市場(chǎng)。那可真稱(chēng)得上是“商業(yè)爭(zhēng)奪戰(zhàn)”的汪洋大海：家家戶(hù)戶(hù)的廳堂、灶間架起了破舊的機(jī)床，哐當(dāng)哐當(dāng)?shù)慕饘偾懈盥?、后院母豬哼哼嘰嘰的拱槽聲此起彼伏。一個(gè)人口不過(guò)數(shù)萬(wàn)的小鎮(zhèn)竟有1.2萬(wàn)人先后模仿、跟進(jìn)，卷入雷同的小商品生產(chǎn)領(lǐng)域，還有約7000名金鄉(xiāng)人游走全國(guó)，接訂單、忙推銷(xiāo)。金鄉(xiāng)，真的開(kāi)始變成了“金子之鄉(xiāng)”。

在溫州，無(wú)數(shù)個(gè)金鄉(xiāng)同樣是爐火正旺熱翻了天：家家戶(hù)戶(hù)不知從何處拼裝而成的機(jī)器瘋了似地旋轉(zhuǎn);大街小巷的店鋪一家緊挨著一家，密得連蒼蠅都叮不出一道縫;河埠頭、鄉(xiāng)間路上，肩挑車(chē)載的商販永遠(yuǎn)如集市般嘈雜。據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，到1986年底，當(dāng)時(shí)人口約600余萬(wàn)的溫州共有120萬(wàn)人從傳統(tǒng)農(nóng)業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)入工商業(yè)，從事家庭工業(yè)的已飛漲為14.65萬(wàn)戶(hù)，470多個(gè)專(zhuān)業(yè)市場(chǎng)初具規(guī)模，10萬(wàn)農(nóng)民購(gòu)銷(xiāo)員馳騁全國(guó)。

阿文富起來(lái)了，太多的溫州人富起來(lái)了，“貧窮不是社會(huì)主義”在這里首先成為歷史明證。

如果說(shuō)溫州的富起來(lái)靠家庭工業(yè)來(lái)帶動(dòng)鄉(xiāng)親們走向富裕，那么，義烏的富裕則是一個(gè)市場(chǎng)帶動(dòng)一批鄉(xiāng)親奔向富裕。

縱觀(guān)44年的浙江改革開(kāi)放史，可以用一句話(huà)形象概括 ：20世紀(jì)80年代的“溫州模式”，20世紀(jì)90年代的“義烏經(jīng)驗(yàn)”，二十一世紀(jì)的“杭州現(xiàn)象”。由南至北，漸次推進(jìn)。

作為全球最大的小商品市場(chǎng)，義烏在1991年國(guó)家工商局第一次統(tǒng)計(jì)開(kāi)列的中國(guó)“十大專(zhuān)業(yè)市場(chǎng)”龍虎榜中高居榜首，方始名揚(yáng)天下。

但其擺脫貧困的雄心早在改革開(kāi)放最初期就已開(kāi)始萌動(dòng)。

和100多公里外溫州的共同之處在于，義烏也是可憐的人多地少。更糟糕的是，處于金（華）衢（州）盆地的義烏土質(zhì)屬黃紅壤，黏性大而肥性極差。土地不養(yǎng)人，經(jīng)商便成了農(nóng)民糊口活命的生存之道。

1980年12月1日，40歲的馮愛(ài)倩領(lǐng)到了義烏縣工商局發(fā)放的小百貨個(gè)體經(jīng)營(yíng)營(yíng)業(yè)許可證，編號(hào)是001號(hào)。她的經(jīng)商之路是在賣(mài)掉10擔(dān)谷子獲得80元“本錢(qián)”，又從信用社貸款300元之后開(kāi)始的。馮愛(ài)倩記得，有一次她曾經(jīng)拿著籃子去借2斤米燒飯，居然借了7戶(hù)人家才借到。

從貧困出發(fā)絕地反擊的馮愛(ài)倩們，打開(kāi)的是一個(gè)遍地是老板、群體普遍富裕的新世界。40年后，義烏小商品城年銷(xiāo)售額已逼近兩千億元，覆蓋233個(gè)國(guó)家和地區(qū);擁有商位7.5萬(wàn)個(gè)，從業(yè)者20多萬(wàn)人;全市市場(chǎng)主體總數(shù)高達(dá)73萬(wàn)，這意味著每10個(gè)義烏人里至少有3個(gè)老板。

從溫州到義烏曾經(jīng)發(fā)生的一切，恰是對(duì)今日浙江的最好注腳。

2021年4月，浙江提供的數(shù)據(jù)顯示，浙江共有市場(chǎng)主體816萬(wàn)戶(hù)，依目前全省常住人口6450多萬(wàn)計(jì)算，每8個(gè)浙江人中就有一個(gè)老板，人均市場(chǎng)主體居中國(guó)各省區(qū)之首。如果累加走出浙江、游走全國(guó)的800萬(wàn)以上的浙商，浙江籍創(chuàng)業(yè)者逾1000萬(wàn)。依目前全省戶(hù)籍人口5000萬(wàn)計(jì)算，每5個(gè)浙江人中至少就有一個(gè)老板。

滴水成河、聚沙成塔、螞蟻雄兵，人數(shù)與人口占比極為龐大的奮斗者群體，勾勒出中國(guó)改革開(kāi)放史上頗為獨(dú)特的浙江“老百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)”畫(huà)卷。作為“老百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)”的主體，浙江第一代民營(yíng)經(jīng)濟(jì)創(chuàng)業(yè)者、實(shí)踐者大多崛起于經(jīng)濟(jì)相對(duì)落后的浙江中南部山區(qū)，他們最原始的改革驅(qū)動(dòng)力僅僅是為了讓家人不再挨餓，讓自己的后代有可能遠(yuǎn)離貧困。懷揣著這一炙熱的沖動(dòng)，他們義無(wú)反顧地行動(dòng)起來(lái)。

人數(shù)眾多及普遍出身草根且貧寒，決定了浙江的“老百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)”從本質(zhì)上來(lái)說(shuō)就是共富經(jīng)濟(jì)。根植于“老百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)”的豐厚土壤，2021年，在農(nóng)村居民人均可支配收入連續(xù)37年居中國(guó)各省區(qū)第一的基礎(chǔ)上，浙江城鄉(xiāng)居民收入比值降至1.94，成為城鄉(xiāng)差距、地區(qū)差距最小的省份，中國(guó)第一個(gè)共同富裕示范區(qū)花落浙江成為必然。

無(wú)疑，正是與改革開(kāi)放44年相伴而生的社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，催生了“大眾創(chuàng)業(yè)、萬(wàn)眾創(chuàng)新”活力勃發(fā)的“老百姓經(jīng)濟(jì)”。

逆向遷徙：推動(dòng)異鄉(xiāng)創(chuàng)富

在距離浙江4000多公里的烏魯木齊，新華飯店當(dāng)年很出名，甚至在相鄰的中亞和獨(dú)聯(lián)體國(guó)家都知道。但新華飯店的出名并非因?yàn)樗且患绎埖?，而因?yàn)樗兂闪艘患沂袌?chǎng)。

1986年，20多位義烏人扛著大包小包的服裝、小百貨來(lái)到烏魯木齊，他們堅(jiān)信，新疆很大，市場(chǎng)一定也會(huì)很大。但因?yàn)槭菬o(wú)證攤販，等待他們的，卻是一次次的查罰。

辦法總是會(huì)有的。他們住的正是新華飯店，這是烏魯木齊城西河灘地上的一座三層樓房，位置偏，房?jī)r(jià)也就便宜，1大間20來(lái)平方米每晚只要8塊錢(qián)。于是，包下4個(gè)大間，1間大家擠著住，3間權(quán)當(dāng)攤位，鞋襪、玩具、服裝，一字排開(kāi)。

“新華飯店有浙江人在賣(mài)服裝了，款式蠻新潮，比百貨商場(chǎng)還便宜幾十塊呢！”好消息總是像插了翅膀，沒(méi)過(guò)多久，3間客房每天都人潮洶涌。生意一火，尾隨而來(lái)的義烏同鄉(xiāng)也越來(lái)越多，到年底，攤位增加至90多個(gè)，占下了整整一層。到1990年，新華飯店已經(jīng)完全沒(méi)法接待純粹住店的客人了。攤位增加到720個(gè)，連樓道拐角和飯店辦公室都擠滿(mǎn)了百貨攤。4年中，原本半死不活的新華飯店居然搖身一變，累計(jì)利稅高達(dá)787萬(wàn)元。

新華飯店客滿(mǎn)為患了，于是烏魯木齊那些冷僻閑置的飯店、旅館又被相中了。形勢(shì)大好，問(wèn)題也蠻大。商販們分駐在烏魯木齊城區(qū)四面八方的大小飯店，人氣散了不說(shuō)，秩序也散亂不堪。怎么辦？1991年初，幾個(gè)頭腦靈光的義烏商販聯(lián)名致信老家義烏市政府，建議在烏魯木齊開(kāi)辦一家像樣的集中交易的小商品市場(chǎng)，并亮出義烏分市場(chǎng)的金字招牌。

義烏工商局立即派員飛赴烏魯木齊，與急欲讓本地民眾搭上致富快車(chē)的當(dāng)?shù)卣慌募春?。比鄰市郊火?chē)站的一家瀕臨倒閉的國(guó)營(yíng)木材廠(chǎng)被相中，1991年底，浙江義烏小商品市場(chǎng)烏魯木齊分市場(chǎng)開(kāi)業(yè)。自此一發(fā)不可收，北京通縣、內(nèi)蒙古呼和浩特、廣西憑祥、四川廣元……據(jù)統(tǒng)計(jì)，截至2021年，全中國(guó)各地開(kāi)設(shè)的義烏分市場(chǎng)或關(guān)聯(lián)市場(chǎng)已多達(dá)150多家，義烏小商品城采購(gòu)商品產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈直接聯(lián)動(dòng)了包括偏遠(yuǎn)貧困山區(qū)在內(nèi)天南海北的220萬(wàn)家中小微民營(yíng)企業(yè)。

從家鄉(xiāng)到異鄉(xiāng)，在義烏人身后，是更多的浙江人。

釘秤的永康人、修鞋的蕭山人、補(bǔ)襪子的諸暨人、做棕床的嘉興人、修眼鏡的臺(tái)州人……浙江素稱(chēng)“七山一水二分田”，人均耕地0.5畝，南部溫州等地人均三分地，遠(yuǎn)低于全國(guó)1.5畝的人均值;浙江煤炭、金屬礦產(chǎn)等自然資源人均擁有量綜合指數(shù)只相當(dāng)于全國(guó)的11.5%，居各省區(qū)末位。人多地少、資源匱乏的基本省情，推動(dòng)了浙江許多地方區(qū)域性傳統(tǒng)手工業(yè)的興盛，贏得了“百工之鄉(xiāng)”的美譽(yù)。為了生計(jì)，為了活下去，窘迫憋屈卻不認(rèn)窮命的浙江人必須走出去，走出家鄉(xiāng)、走出浙江。

我在研究包括浙江在內(nèi)近當(dāng)代中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)移民族群時(shí)，觀(guān)察到了一個(gè)非常顯著而獨(dú)特的現(xiàn)象。按一般規(guī)律，經(jīng)濟(jì)移民總是從邊緣地帶向中心地帶、從貧困地帶向繁榮地帶、從戰(zhàn)亂地帶向和平地帶流動(dòng)。但是，自上世紀(jì)80年代始，浙江商人族群卻逆向而行。他們的出發(fā)地是經(jīng)濟(jì)相對(duì)發(fā)達(dá)的浙江沿海，目的地主要是更為窮苦的中國(guó)西北、東北和中南、西南地區(qū)。這種候鳥(niǎo)型的行商現(xiàn)象，在改革開(kāi)放后經(jīng)濟(jì)同樣發(fā)達(dá)的珠江三角洲、江蘇南部、山東膠東半島地區(qū)均未大規(guī)模出現(xiàn)過(guò)。

浙江商人逆向遷徙推動(dòng)異鄉(xiāng)富裕，成為浙江商人廣受歡迎的亮點(diǎn)。千百萬(wàn)浙江人尤其是浙江中南部貧困山區(qū)的農(nóng)民創(chuàng)業(yè)者，心懷致富的渴望，循著改革開(kāi)放的滾滾時(shí)代洪流，從家鄉(xiāng)出發(fā)，毅然決然去往天南海北更貧困的異鄉(xiāng)。他們?nèi)缤奶庯w揚(yáng)的蒲公英，在每一個(gè)田野山村肆意播撒市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的理念與實(shí)踐的星星之火。他們中間的許多人早已扎根異鄉(xiāng)數(shù)十年，把異鄉(xiāng)當(dāng)作家鄉(xiāng)，通過(guò)就業(yè)安置、勞動(dòng)力技能培訓(xùn)、稅收貢獻(xiàn)，成為當(dāng)?shù)卮蟊妱?chuàng)業(yè)、萬(wàn)眾創(chuàng)新、拉動(dòng)群體致富最有說(shuō)服力的榜樣和示范者。

來(lái)自浙江的星星之火起初是那么的卑微與渺小，逐漸地聚合、壯大成為頗具體量的燎原之勢(shì)。近些年，隨著浙江互聯(lián)網(wǎng)產(chǎn)業(yè)迅猛發(fā)展，尤其是杭州崛起為中國(guó)“數(shù)字經(jīng)濟(jì)第一城”，電商、網(wǎng)絡(luò)直播等全新業(yè)態(tài)再度發(fā)力，推動(dòng)浙商從家鄉(xiāng)到異鄉(xiāng)的共富之路走得更遠(yuǎn)，讓打破貧富鴻溝的互聯(lián)互通更加緊密。

2020年4月30日20時(shí)30分，僅用時(shí)1分27秒，杭州推出的全中國(guó)首個(gè)跨地域愛(ài)心扶貧消費(fèi)券計(jì)66萬(wàn)份就被一搶而空。消費(fèi)券線(xiàn)上平臺(tái)之一、杭州貝佳電子商務(wù)有限公司負(fù)責(zé)人介紹，短短的活動(dòng)期間，瀏覽總?cè)藬?shù)超過(guò)370萬(wàn)人次，銷(xiāo)售額近1000萬(wàn)元，黔東南三穗咸鴨蛋、施秉大米和湖北恩施土豆等向來(lái)深鎖大山的農(nóng)產(chǎn)品被賣(mài)斷了貨。

從家鄉(xiāng)到異鄉(xiāng)，把異鄉(xiāng)當(dāng)家鄉(xiāng)，穿行于兩個(gè)故鄉(xiāng)的浙商候鳥(niǎo)們，在更寬闊的舞臺(tái)上擴(kuò)張了、完善了公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)、創(chuàng)富機(jī)會(huì)均等的社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)。

公平分配：政府發(fā)揮力量

如果說(shuō)從經(jīng)濟(jì)地理維度看，浙江改革開(kāi)放40多年呈現(xiàn)了20世紀(jì)80年代的溫州模式、20世紀(jì)90年代的義烏經(jīng)驗(yàn)及21世紀(jì)的杭州現(xiàn)象的清晰畫(huà)卷，那么與此映照的政府行為，便是1.0版的“無(wú)為而治”、2.0版的“適度有為”與3.0版的“有限有為有效”政府定位的漸進(jìn)式演變。由遠(yuǎn)及近，從混沌進(jìn)而清晰，以共同富裕為目標(biāo)，浙江各級(jí)政府在摸索中堅(jiān)定前行。

在全國(guó)各省市區(qū)縱向比較研究中，浙江呈現(xiàn)出了“小政府、大市場(chǎng)”的清晰特征。按照學(xué)術(shù)界普遍認(rèn)同的觀(guān)點(diǎn)，財(cái)政支出占GDP的比重是衡量政府相對(duì)規(guī)模的一個(gè)基本指標(biāo)。以此衡量，改革開(kāi)放始至21世紀(jì)初期，浙江的政府相對(duì)規(guī)模大約縮小了三分之一。

但“小政府、大市場(chǎng)”的浙江景象，并不意味著浙江的官好當(dāng)，只要垂手而立即可。歷經(jīng)改革初期的風(fēng)云激蕩、搖擺彷徨，走過(guò)20世紀(jì)90年代的角色歸位、成熟定型，進(jìn)入21世紀(jì)的浙江各級(jí)政府顯現(xiàn)出了更多的自信。

2016年12月，浙江首次倡導(dǎo)要以“最多跑一次”的理念和目標(biāo)深化政府自身改革，即企業(yè)和民眾到政府辦事“最多跑一次是原則，跑多次是例外”。

“最多跑一次”首先圍繞省市縣行政服務(wù)中心這個(gè)企業(yè)和民眾找政府辦事的主要場(chǎng)所來(lái)展開(kāi)。具體操作上一是“一窗受理”，只需將材料提交給一個(gè)綜合窗口，由行政服務(wù)中心進(jìn)行全流程協(xié)調(diào)，按責(zé)轉(zhuǎn)辦;二是“集成服務(wù)”，即各部門(mén)協(xié)同作戰(zhàn)，開(kāi)展并聯(lián)審批、模擬審批、容缺預(yù)審、全程代辦等?！耙淮啊钡谋澈笫恰耙痪W(wǎng)”。浙江基于政務(wù)服務(wù)網(wǎng)推進(jìn)流程再造，積極擴(kuò)大政務(wù)電子化、互聯(lián)網(wǎng)化應(yīng)用，站上大數(shù)據(jù)風(fēng)口，讓數(shù)據(jù)“多跑路”，讓企業(yè)和民眾“少跑腿”，“最多跑一次”從激動(dòng)人心的口號(hào)落到踏實(shí)而溫暖的行動(dòng)細(xì)節(jié)。

2018年3月5日， “最多跑一次”改革首次寫(xiě)入政府工作報(bào)告。

在長(zhǎng)達(dá)36年奔走于這片大地的持久觀(guān)察、研究中，我最為著迷的懸念是：究竟什么才真正是浙江“最驕傲”的？民營(yíng)企業(yè)、浙商群體，或者義烏小商品市場(chǎng)與市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，它們都是浙江的“驕傲”，但它們同樣只是發(fā)展的載體和手段。

浙江“最驕傲”的，應(yīng)該是也只能是其改革開(kāi)放的終極目標(biāo)與結(jié)果——人民尤其是千百萬(wàn)個(gè)普通個(gè)體，成為了改革的主體和作為改革成果的財(cái)富的主人：自1985年始，浙江農(nóng)民人均收入已連續(xù)36年居全國(guó)各省區(qū)第一位;1997年，浙江在全國(guó)第一個(gè)消滅貧困縣;2002年，浙江在全國(guó)第一個(gè)消滅貧困鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn);2005年，浙江在全國(guó)第一批取消農(nóng)業(yè)稅，延續(xù)了2000年的“皇糧國(guó)稅”畫(huà)上句號(hào);2015年，浙江在全國(guó)第一個(gè)實(shí)現(xiàn)絕對(duì)貧困人口全面脫貧;浙江農(nóng)村社會(huì)保障覆蓋率同樣高居全國(guó)之首。在浙江，作為社會(huì)人群最大多數(shù)的農(nóng)民不再是一個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)上弱勢(shì)的稱(chēng)謂。在浙江，撲面而來(lái)的，不僅僅是富裕，更是令人倍感欣慰的漸進(jìn)的共同富裕。

這樣的精彩畫(huà)卷從理想變?yōu)榛钌默F(xiàn)實(shí)，其強(qiáng)勁的推動(dòng)力既是以浙商為主體的市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的自發(fā)，更是政府力量的自覺(jué)。

2002年4月，浙江開(kāi)始大規(guī)模實(shí)施全省區(qū)域協(xié)調(diào)發(fā)展的“山海協(xié)作工程”，“山”即為以浙西南山區(qū)和舟山海島為主的欠發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)，“?！币庵秆睾０l(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)達(dá)的縣市區(qū)。以“政府推動(dòng)，企業(yè)主體、市場(chǎng)運(yùn)作，互利雙贏”為原則，山海協(xié)作結(jié)對(duì)覆蓋產(chǎn)業(yè)“飛地”合作、職業(yè)技能培訓(xùn)、優(yōu)質(zhì)醫(yī)院托管等全領(lǐng)域。

2015年2月，浙江再次推出“山海協(xié)作工程”升級(jí)版——為全省26個(gè)欠發(fā)達(dá)縣“摘帽”，轉(zhuǎn)而確立為以均衡發(fā)展、共同富裕為目標(biāo)的加快發(fā)展縣。這26個(gè)縣絕大部分地處山區(qū)，土地面積約占全省45%，一度是浙江的“失衡之痛”。隨之出臺(tái)的擴(kuò)大稅源行動(dòng)、富民收入倍增計(jì)劃、干部人才傾斜工程等系統(tǒng)性舉措，讓山區(qū)26縣跨越式急起直追。

政府的天命是維護(hù)社會(huì)公平。從公平競(jìng)爭(zhēng)的契約、法治的制度建設(shè)，到公平分配的理念、治理結(jié)構(gòu)的制度安排，浙江各級(jí)政府一直在路上。

浙商力量：共富責(zé)任和使命

2017 年10 月25 日，74 歲的萬(wàn)向集團(tuán)董事局主席魯冠球因病辭世。魯冠球是浙商典范，更是浙商共同富裕引領(lǐng)者。

出生于杭州蕭山錢(qián)塘江畔的農(nóng)家子弟魯冠球很可能是連續(xù)創(chuàng)業(yè)周期最長(zhǎng)的中國(guó)企業(yè)家之一。1969年，他帶著包括結(jié)發(fā)妻子章金妹在內(nèi)的6位農(nóng)民，以4000元家當(dāng)創(chuàng)辦了寧圍人民公社農(nóng)機(jī)修理廠(chǎng)。事實(shí)上，1962年始，魯冠球就辦過(guò)糧食加工廠(chǎng)、開(kāi)過(guò)鐵匠鋪?？v觀(guān)魯冠球半個(gè)世紀(jì)的創(chuàng)業(yè)史，我一直孜孜探尋：什么是魯冠球的世界觀(guān)？什么才是他一生奮斗最恒久的驅(qū)動(dòng)力？

無(wú)疑，魯冠球創(chuàng)業(yè)的原始沖動(dòng)就是不當(dāng)農(nóng)民：“自己今后想干什么我很清楚——不種地。我覺(jué)得農(nóng)民吃不飽，穿不暖。”

對(duì)家人、對(duì)鄉(xiāng)親、對(duì)農(nóng)民兄弟窮極潦倒的耳聞目睹，推動(dòng)著魯冠球義無(wú)反顧地投身于創(chuàng)業(yè)。被驅(qū)趕、被呵斥、被清算，甚至不得不賣(mài)了祖屋還債，魯冠球的早期創(chuàng)業(yè)之路異常崎嶇，但也讓他看到了個(gè)人擺脫貧困的一線(xiàn)光亮——到1969年正式創(chuàng)建寧圍人民公社農(nóng)機(jī)修理廠(chǎng)時(shí)，“我已經(jīng)騎上了158塊錢(qián)的永久牌自行車(chē)，戴著120塊的上海牌手表，家里聽(tīng)的是48塊一臺(tái)的紅燈牌收音機(jī)，在寧圍信用社有110塊錢(qián)的存款，當(dāng)時(shí)也算是大戶(hù)了”。

轉(zhuǎn)折點(diǎn)是1983年。這一年，因?yàn)樵谡憬酥寥珖?guó)第一個(gè)個(gè)人風(fēng)險(xiǎn)承包鄉(xiāng)鎮(zhèn)集體企業(yè)的成功，依據(jù)承包合同，魯冠球應(yīng)得獎(jiǎng)金8.7萬(wàn)元。但他沒(méi)有拿，而是將獎(jiǎng)金“全部獻(xiàn)給企業(yè)，獻(xiàn)給集體，發(fā)展生產(chǎn)和進(jìn)行智力開(kāi)發(fā)，使企業(yè)辦得更好”，他的共富行為得到了中央領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的高度贊揚(yáng)。在“萬(wàn)元戶(hù)”即為富豪的年代，截至1993年，魯冠球累計(jì)放棄并捐獻(xiàn)給企業(yè)或辦學(xué)的承包獎(jiǎng)金達(dá)300余萬(wàn)元。

萬(wàn)向集團(tuán)員工人手一冊(cè)的《萬(wàn)向文化》中，對(duì)“企業(yè)哲學(xué)”作了這樣的注解：財(cái)散則人聚，財(cái)聚則人散;取之而有道，用之而同樂(lè)。魯冠球?qū)Υ藙t有自己更明晰的解釋?zhuān)骸百嶅X(qián)只是我們實(shí)現(xiàn)目標(biāo)過(guò)程中的一種手段。財(cái)聚人散，財(cái)散人聚?；貓?bào)社會(huì)是企業(yè)家終極的思想?！?/p>

半個(gè)世紀(jì)前，魯冠球創(chuàng)業(yè)無(wú)疑是從為自己擺脫貧困而出發(fā)的。一路走來(lái)，他對(duì)金錢(qián)和財(cái)富有了新的認(rèn)知：公司產(chǎn)品已經(jīng)更新了無(wú)數(shù)代，但創(chuàng)始人魯冠球依然住在1983年修建的第一代農(nóng)家小樓;公司年銷(xiāo)售額早就超千億元，但大老板魯冠球依然在1986年修建的第一代辦公樓里上班。這是一棟6層的白色樓房，《華爾街日?qǐng)?bào)》記者來(lái)到這家跨國(guó)公司采訪(fǎng)時(shí)留下的強(qiáng)烈印象是“出人意料的樸素”。

“今天我們節(jié)約錢(qián)的目的，也是為了更好地支配錢(qián)，更有意義地使用錢(qián)?！濒敼谇蛟陬}為《為共同富裕做力所能及的事》的講話(huà)中說(shuō)，“作為先富起來(lái)的人，我們不能也不會(huì)忘記‘共同富?！呢?zé)任和使命”。

2001年2月，浙江省首個(gè)“企業(yè)留本冠名基金”，由魯冠球倡議建立的“浙江省慈善總會(huì)‘萬(wàn)向慈善基金’——四個(gè)一百工程”項(xiàng)目啟動(dòng)。該基金1000萬(wàn)元本金的運(yùn)營(yíng)增值收益全部用于“四個(gè)一百工程”，即資助100名孤兒健康成長(zhǎng)、100名孤寡老人安享晚年、100名殘疾兒童自食其力、100名特困學(xué)生完成學(xué)業(yè)。2006年，“四個(gè)一百工程”擴(kuò)展為“四個(gè)一千工程”，全面覆蓋浙江省11個(gè)設(shè)區(qū)市。2008年5月，“四個(gè)一千工程”再次擴(kuò)展為“四個(gè)一萬(wàn)工程”，覆蓋全國(guó)。截至2017年10月魯冠球辭世，萬(wàn)向集團(tuán)累計(jì)用于各類(lèi)公益慈善的支出已超過(guò)12億元，慈善項(xiàng)目遍及全國(guó)逾20個(gè)省區(qū)、200多個(gè)縣，先后3次榮獲中華慈善獎(jiǎng)。

2018年6月，為紀(jì)念父親魯冠球并且遵循魯冠球的情懷境意，魯冠球之子、萬(wàn)向集團(tuán)董事長(zhǎng)魯偉鼎設(shè)立了目前國(guó)內(nèi)規(guī)模最大的慈善信托——“魯冠球三農(nóng)扶志基金”，并將其持有的萬(wàn)向三農(nóng)集團(tuán)6億元出資額對(duì)應(yīng)的全部股權(quán)無(wú)償授予此基金?！棒敼谇蛉r(nóng)扶志基金”憲章清晰闡明，設(shè)立基金的宗旨是“讓農(nóng)村發(fā)展、讓農(nóng)業(yè)現(xiàn)代化、讓農(nóng)民富?！薄?/p>

社會(huì)是企業(yè)家施展才華的舞臺(tái)，一個(gè)企業(yè)家要得到社會(huì)的認(rèn)可，一定是一位切實(shí)履行社會(huì)責(zé)任的企業(yè)家。浙江所以能成為建設(shè)共同富裕示范區(qū)，就是有這樣一大群勇于擔(dān)起社會(huì)責(zé)任的企業(yè)家。從改革開(kāi)放44年的維度看，浙商群體的進(jìn)化有三重境界：一是個(gè)體脫貧致富;二是努力實(shí)現(xiàn)“有錢(qián)人”和“有文化的人”的統(tǒng)一;三是最終進(jìn)化為能超越財(cái)富，有崇高價(jià)值觀(guān)與人格力量，以建設(shè)更美好的社會(huì)為人生坐標(biāo)的“社會(huì)企業(yè)家”。魯冠球只有初二文化，卻憑借孜孜不倦的終身學(xué)習(xí)以及自省、自律、自我修煉，進(jìn)而超越需要幾代人才能蛻變的宿命，成為走到第三重境界的卓越者。

魯冠球式的自覺(jué)的共同富裕信仰與踐行并不是規(guī)則、契約、法治、制度約束下的強(qiáng)制，但一定是值得我們仰望和追尋的時(shí)代方向。

在浙江，魯冠球寓言正抽枝發(fā)芽、生根開(kāi)花。

2021年11月，寧波市慈善總會(huì)又一次收到了隱名人“順其自然”的捐款105萬(wàn)元。自1999年的第一筆5萬(wàn)元后，每年的年末，“順其自然”的捐款都會(huì)如期而至，23年累計(jì)金額達(dá)1363萬(wàn)元。在“順其自然”的帶動(dòng)下，1999年至今，寧波市慈善總會(huì)已收到其他隱名捐贈(zèng)超過(guò)5000人次，總額逾5000萬(wàn)元。2015年，民政部授予“順其自然”第九屆中華慈善獎(jiǎng)。浙江省檔案館從2018年開(kāi)始的常設(shè)展“大寫(xiě)浙江人”共展示百余位浙江古今杰出人物，“順其自然”是其中唯一的隱名者。

沒(méi)有人知道“順其自然”是誰(shuí)，每一個(gè)人都可以成為“順其自然”。

35年前，我從阿文身上觸摸到了不屈于貧困的溫州故事;35年后，我們從魯冠球跨越半個(gè)世紀(jì)執(zhí)著信念生生不息中開(kāi)啟了共同富裕的浙江故事。這是關(guān)于奮斗、創(chuàng)造、分享的春天的故事。

In November 1986， A Wen and his wife ran a small workshop producing aluminum badges in Jinxiang township， Cangnan county， Wenzhou city. Asked why he opened the workshop in the first place， he simply replied， "we are simply too poor." For a long time， little had been heard of A Wen and his workshop until someone causally mentioned that his factory had over 100 employees.

What impresses people most when it comes to Zhejiang's development？ What should be Zhejiang proud of？ "Common prosperity" may well the the first phrase that springs to mind.

Back in the 1980s， A Wen’s hometown was far from what it is today， known as the “Town of Gold”. Hailing from a neighboring county， his wife often complained that she was “duped” by A Wen into coming to the place. In 1978， this coastal town， located in the southernmost part of Zhejiang and 20 kilometers away from Fujian province， had less than 0.2 mu （0.01 hectare） of cultivated land per capita， with a per capita income of only 20 yuan （$3.14）. It was in fact jokingly referred to as a “beggars’ town”. How poor was A Wen’s family at the time？ “My wife almost ran away，” he said slyly.

It was exactly because of poverty and pain that when China released signals of reform， people from Wenzhou rushed to it. Reform may well come at an unpredictable cost， but the Wenzhou people were too poor to care about it.

Soon， A Wen found that everything had changed. Over 3，000 family workshops sprang up from the streets of its hometown， producing aluminum badges and plastic food tickets. Indeed， almost half of China’s aluminum badges and plastic food tickets came from here. In a small town with a population of only tens of thousands， 12，000 had been involved in producing similar products， and about 7，000 townspeople traveled around the country， receiving orders and doing marketing. Jinxiang， which literally means “gold town”， began to become a veritable “Town of Gold”.

In Wenzhou city， numerous places were witnessing the burning of furnaces like Jinxiang. Statistics show that 1.2 million out of a total of 6 million people in Wenzhou chose to turn away from agriculture to industry and commerce. Cottage industry saw the inflow of 146，500 households. More than 470 specialized markets begun to take shape， and over 100，000 thousand farmer “buyers and sellers” roam the country.

A Wen started to get rich and so many Wenzhou people were getting rich that they were the living proof that “poverty is not socialism”.

Looking at the history of Zhejiang’s reform and opening up in the past 44 years， we can summarize it in a few phrases： the “Wenzhou Model” in the 1980s， the “Yiwu Experience” in the 1990s， and the “Hangzhou Phenomenon” in the 21st century. From the south to the north， they have been gradually advancing and unfolding.

As the world’s largest small commodity market， the Yiwu market made its name in 1991 when it topped China’s “Top Ten Specialized Markets”， which was first published by the then State Administration for Industry and Commerce. But its ambition to escape poverty began to manifest itself much earlier， almost at the same time as the Reform and Opening Up policy was instituted.

Similar to Wenzhou， which sits some 100 kilometers away， Yiwu is also characterized by a large population and a lack of land. Worse still， most of its land is nonarable. Commerce seems to be the only viable way for Yiwu farmers to make a living.

On December 1， 1980， the then 40-year-old Feng Aiqian， received a business license to run a self-employed small department store. Her license number happened to be “001”， issued by the then Yiwu County Bureau for Industry and Commerce. She was only able to start her business after selling 10 bushels of grain for 80 yuan as the startup “capital”， and then loaning 300 yuan from a credit union. Feng remembered that once she had taken a basket to borrow two kilos of rice， only to secure it after visiting seven households.

Fighting against destitute， hundreds of thousands of Yiwu people like Feng have opened up a new world in which “Yiwu bosses” can be found everywhere and Yiwu people are largely well-off. Forty years on， the annual sales volume of the Yiwu Small Commodity Market has reached nearly 200 billion yuan and is trading with 233 countries and regions， with 75，000 stores and more than 200，000 businessmen. The total number of market entities in the city has grown to as high as 730，000， which means at least three out of every 10 Yiwu people are “bosses” （business owners）.

What happened from Wenzhou to Yiwu is the best testament to Zhejiang’s development today. Figures show that by April 2021， Zhejiang had 8.16 million market entities. With a permanent population of 64 million at the time， it means about one out of every eight Zhejiang residents owned a business， the highest among China’s municipalities， provinces and autonomous regions. That doesn’t even include the eight million Zhejiang businessmen currently not living in the province but in other parts of the country.

In 2021， per capita disposable income of Zhejiang’s rural residents topped the country’s list again — it had done so for 37consecutive years. On top of that achievement， the income ratio of its urban and rural residents dropped to 1.94， the lowest in China. It is only natural that Zhejiang has been chosen for the country’s first demonstration zone for common prosperity.

Over 4，000 kilometers away from Zhejiang province， in Urumqi， capital city of Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region， the Xinhua Hotel was famous back then — it was even known in neighboring Central Asian countries. That in itself might not be special; what was special was that the hotel was famous not because of its services， but because it served as a market.

In 1986， more than 20 Yiwu people carried bags of apparels and small commodities to Urumqi. They were sure that the massive size of Xinjiang entails a massive market. However， because they were unlicensed vendors， what waited for them were fines and punishment initially.

Where there is a will， there’s always a way. The Xinhua Hotel they were staying in offered cheap rooms since it was located a bit far from the urban center. These Yiwu people rented four rooms and turned three of them into “stalls”， selling shoes， socks， toys， clothes， among others.

“Some Zhejiang merchants are selling apparels at Xinhua Hotel， stylish and cheaper than department stores！” As word spread， the three rooms were soon thronged with customers. Before long， other businessmen from Yiwu followed suit. By the end of the year， the number of stalls increased to more than 90， occupying a full floor of the hotel. By 1990， 720 stalls had been set up and the Xinhua Hotel was simply packed， even the hallways and hotel offices were occupied. In four years， the hotel， which was on the verge of closure， paid 7.87 million yuan in taxes alone.

Rooms of other desolate and idle hotels in Urumqi were promptly taken after Xinhua Hotel could accommodate no more stalls. But with profits also came problems， in particular a messy and unruly order in these makeshift “markets”. In early 1991， a few Yiwu businessmen proposed that a small commodity market like the one in Yiwu be established in Urumqi. With the help of Yiwu authorities， the Urumqi government accepted the proposal with alacrity. At the end of the year， the Urumqi branch of the Yiwu Small Commodity Market formally opened to business. Since then， more branches have been put in place. Statistics show that some 150 branches of or submarkets related to the Yiwu Small Commodity Market have been set up across China， their supply chain directly connecting with 2.2 million micro， small and medium-sized private businesses in all corners of the country， including some of the most remote areas.

It’s not just those entrepreneurial Yiwu merchants; people from other regions of Zhejiang are equally enterprising. The Yongkang people who started out making steelyards， the Xianshan cobblers， the Zhuji people who mended socks， the Taizhou people who repaired glasses， and many more.

Fei Xiaotong （1910-2005）， one of China’s foremost sociologists， argued that “social change begins with the movement of people. Population mobility not only enables people to see different forms of life， but also makes individuals encounter new circumstances and demand new responses”. Millions of Zhejiang people， especially farmer entrepreneurs in the poor mountainous areas in the province’s central and southern regions， were eager to pursue wealth， and following the tide of the Reform and Opening Up set out from their hometown and resolutely went to wherever there were opportunities. Many of them have settled outside of Zhejiang for decades. Through employment， labor skills training and paying taxes， they have become the most persuasive role models for the locals to start up their own businesses and grow rich.

More recently， with the rapid development of the internet industry in Zhejiang， especially as Hangzhou has emerged as the “first city of digital economy” in China， e-commerce， livestreaming and other new forms of business have given another boost to the province， helping Zhejiang businessmen to go a step further along the road of sharing wealth from their hometown with other places. It is making significant contributions to shrinking the gap between the rich and the poor.

At 20：30 on April 30， 2020， in just 1 minute and 27 seconds， a total of 660，000 poverty alleviation consumer coupons issued by Hangzhou authorities， the first of its kind in China， were claimed. Beidian， one of the online platforms that handled the coupons， saw over 3.7 million customers flocked to its app during the short time， with sales revenue hitting nearly 10 million yuan. Agricultural products such as salted duck eggs and rice from southeast Guizhou province and potatoes from Enshi Tujia and Miao autonomous prefecture in Hubei， which had long been “l(fā)ocked” into these less developed mountainous areas， were instantly sold out.

It is generally agreed that helping the poor to get out of poverty and achieving common prosperity should fall under the purview of the government. Zhejiang’s practice since the Reform and Opening Up has proved that coupled with a good market economy environment， broad and sufficient motivation for individuals to get rich during first round of wealth distribution can also have the same effect.

Indeed， over the past four decades， the Zhejiang government at all levels have been playing an increasingly clearer role. Limited yet proactive and effective， they are determined in the pursuit of the common prosperity.

Compared with other provinces， municipalities and autonomous regions， Zhejiang is distinctively featured by “a small government and a big market”. A widely accepted theory is that the proportion of fiscal expenditure to GDP is a major indicator that measures the size of a government. According to this indicator， the size of Zhejiang’s government shrunk by a third between 1978 and early 2000s.

Apart from historical factors， the key lies in the fact that the government gradually retreated from the micromanaging the economy since the Reform and Opening Up， and the market force has played the main part in allocating production factors. As the government needs to do little， it is inevitable that its size is contracting. But it does not mean that being a government official in Zhejiang is an easy job， just as World Bank in its 1997 Global Development Report stated： a good government is not a luxury， but a necessity， and without an effective government， sustained economic and social development is all but impossible.

The “run at most once” campaign is perhaps the best illustration in this respect. In December 2016， Zhejiang advocated for the first time to deepen the government’s own reform with the idea and goal of “run at most once”. In essence， it is a series of reforms that aim to streamline administrative processes and provide one-stop government services for the public and enterprises. Relying on advanced digital technologies such as big data， governmental organs now can promptly process all sorts of applications， tax filings and documents — unlike in the past when the public and enterprises had to visit these organs time and again to get things done， they need only to “run at most once”.

An even longer campaign is Zhejiang’s successful attempt in achieving a more balanced development between urban and rural areas， especially for some of its poorest parts. Since 1985， per capita income of Zhejiang farmers has been top of the country for 37 years. In 1997， Zhejiang became the first province without a “poverty-stricken county” in China. In 2002， Zhejiang became the first province without a “poverty-stricken township” in China. In 2015， Zhejiang became the first province to eradicate poverty. Zhejiang's rural social security coverage rate is the highest in the country as well.

Maintaining social equality is what a government is born to do. Whether fair competition， rule of law， equal distribution or institutional arrangement， governments at all levels in Zhejiang have been working hard to fulfill their duty. It is also due in small part to such prominent entrepreneurs as Lu Guanqiu （1945-2017）， one of the pioneers of common prosperity.

Born in Hangzhou’s Xiaoshan district， Lu’s original impulse to start a business came from “not wanting to be a farmer anymore”， for “farmers can’t provide for themselves， both in food and clothing”. As Lu grew rich， he donated a large proportion of his money to establish schools or to establish new enterprises. For him， “making money is just a means to realize one’s goals， and giving back to the society is the ultimate ideal of an entrepreneur.” As someone who “got rich first”， Lu stated once in a speech that “we should not forget the responsibility and mission of achieving common prosperity.”

Lu's spirit is perhaps best captured by an anonymous donor who calls himself or herself only as “Shun Qi Zi Ran” （which means “l(fā)et it be”）. In November 2021， the Ningbo Charity Federation received donation from the donor again? -- this time 1.05 million yuan. Since “Shun Qi Zi Ran” first began to make donation in 1999? -- 50，000 yuan at the time， donations made under the pseudonym have never stopped， arriving in late November and early December always as expected. Over the past 23 years， “Shun Qi Zi Ran” has donated a total of 13.63 million yuan to the federation. Influenced probably by this donor， the federation has received more than 50 million from over 5，000 anonymous donations since 1999.

Nobody knows who “Shun Qi Zi Ran” is. In fact， everybody could be “Shun Qi Zi Ran”.

Today， many entrepreneurs like Lu and ordinary Zhejiang people are sharing their wealth. From A Wen to Lu Guanqiu， the Zhejiang story of common prosperity is a story of hard work， perseverance， innovation， creation and sharing.