建筑對(duì)非城市空間觀念定義的貢獻(xiàn)
——意大利鄉(xiāng)村，從早期農(nóng)村改革到后鄉(xiāng)村視角

安娜·艾琳·德爾·摩納哥/Anna Irene Del Monaco

周政旭 譯/Translated by ZHOU Zhengxu

1 前言

農(nóng)業(yè)地域是一種“人居環(huán)境”，它出現(xiàn)在城市肌理之前（暫時(shí)地）和之外（在地理和功能上）。城市肌理由鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)產(chǎn)生，依賴其存在，并與之融為一體。簡·雅各布斯在其成功的處女作 《美國大城市的生與死》之后，在《城市經(jīng)濟(jì)》[1]中總結(jié)到，鄉(xiāng)村經(jīng)濟(jì)，包括農(nóng)業(yè)勞動(dòng)力，直接建立在城市經(jīng)濟(jì)和城市勞動(dòng)力之上。

今天，在意大利和全球其他若干區(qū)域，城鄉(xiāng)一體化不再僅僅是與農(nóng)產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)和城市財(cái)富密切相關(guān)的功能聯(lián)系和空間互補(bǔ)。實(shí)際上，在數(shù)十年內(nèi)，意大利南部的鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)已經(jīng)失去了傳統(tǒng)職業(yè)和功能性身份：大量的土地已被棄耕，許多在南方基金1）支持下建立和擴(kuò)張的農(nóng)場和鄉(xiāng)村建筑已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)型為休閑勝地、昂貴或大量的住宿設(shè)施。盡管意大利北部的帕達(dá)納城市群或波河河谷仍然屬于高效率地區(qū)，該區(qū)域具有可以回溯到帕拉迪奧時(shí)代的水力填海和河流治理工程，現(xiàn)在正轉(zhuǎn)向單一文化境地，并面對(duì)著日益增加的分散型都市化和鄉(xiāng)村旅游帶來的壓力。地理學(xué)者認(rèn)為，波河流域是意大利最富有的地區(qū)，而且是人口最稠密的區(qū)域（盡管威尼托在19 世紀(jì)晚期曾經(jīng)是最貧窮的地區(qū)），而且是意大利唯一與中國的珠江三角洲地區(qū)十分類似的大尺度城市化區(qū)域[2]。

此外，《意大利憲法》批準(zhǔn)的景觀主題的重要性也隨著《2000 年歐洲景觀公約》以及立法和各部門政策的演變而在政治上有所增強(qiáng)，各類文件包括《2000 年意大利文化遺產(chǎn)和景觀法典》《國家農(nóng)村發(fā)展計(jì)劃2007/2013》，以及2014-2020 年的農(nóng)業(yè)政策的戰(zhàn)略目標(biāo)。實(shí)際上，在北方和南方地區(qū)，農(nóng)業(yè)景觀的物理改變也會(huì)導(dǎo)致最現(xiàn)代化技術(shù)的使用（例如溫室種植產(chǎn)業(yè)等）。

然而，正如意大利目前渴望以原產(chǎn)地農(nóng)產(chǎn)品、鄉(xiāng)村旅游和休閑開發(fā)加強(qiáng)吸引外國旅游者和投資人所展示的，現(xiàn)在的城鄉(xiāng)關(guān)系似乎變成了神話和幻象。下文包括意大利鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)通過在20 世紀(jì)修改城鄉(xiāng)之間的邊界和限制（物理和概念上）而實(shí)現(xiàn)的主要相關(guān)創(chuàng)新（政策和建筑設(shè)計(jì)），也證明當(dāng)前在生產(chǎn)和人口恢復(fù)戰(zhàn)略方面缺乏一種綜合性全國計(jì)劃來恢復(fù)農(nóng)業(yè)區(qū)域，因?yàn)橹饕霓D(zhuǎn)型和投資普遍是由工人和私人企業(yè)或倡議推動(dòng)的。

為了更好地理解意大利當(dāng)代鄉(xiāng)村生活狀況，從歷史上追尋不斷演進(jìn)的空間格局將是一件有趣的事。這種空間格局證明了鄉(xiāng)村生活理念已應(yīng)用于城市內(nèi)外，它取決于持續(xù)的已規(guī)劃或未規(guī)劃的公共或私人金融機(jī)制：如戰(zhàn)后鄉(xiāng)村聚落的馬爾泰拉、公共住房計(jì)劃的蒂布蒂諾、大眾旅游投資的奧斯圖尼瓦爾圖爾村，以及今天的私人旅游倡議。所有對(duì)這些事實(shí)、圖紙及設(shè)計(jì)項(xiàng)目的篩選和組織，將被運(yùn)用于不同文化背景和思潮（理性主義、鄉(xiāng)土主義、新現(xiàn)實(shí)主義、如畫風(fēng)格等）的討論中。

1 1950年土地改革計(jì)劃/Agrarian reform chart 1950（圖片來源/ Sources: BASIRICò T. Progetti e costruzioni per la colonizzazione agraria del '900. Italia Spagna Portogallo, Aracne 2018.）

2 相關(guān)文獻(xiàn)

盡管各種討論很少共同陳述或具有統(tǒng)一方式，但大致按10 年劃分，以形成一個(gè)關(guān)于意大利鄉(xiāng)村與建筑設(shè)計(jì)進(jìn)步的綜合性論述。例如，專門研究意大利法西斯主義時(shí)期的建筑歷史學(xué)家，如斯皮羅·科斯托夫[3]，喬治·丘奇[4]，黛安·吉拉爾多[5]， 或者亞里士多德·卡利斯特[6]，傾向于在理性主義建筑框架下探討龐廷的土地整理及其以鄉(xiāng)村為基礎(chǔ)的城市。其他研究城市規(guī)劃、公共住房和戰(zhàn)后大規(guī)模的城市移民的學(xué)者如彼得·羅[7]和寶拉·迪·比亞吉奧[8]撰寫了如INAcasa 計(jì)劃（一項(xiàng)政府資助的可負(fù)擔(dān)住宅計(jì)劃）的有關(guān)政策和類型先例?；蛘?，學(xué)者們提出關(guān)于建筑和技術(shù)原始形式的理念，以米開朗基羅·薩巴蒂諾[9]為代表的學(xué)者通過研究《卡薩貝拉》創(chuàng)始人朱塞佩· 帕加諾的作品及其遺產(chǎn)探討了地方和官方建筑之間的聯(lián)系。或者，如同法比奧·曼戈尼[10]、杰瑪·貝利及瑪麗亞·格拉齊亞·坦佩雷利在其書中有趣地描述的那樣，研究19 世紀(jì)和20 世紀(jì)意大利的旅游聚落景觀的歷史。

其次，對(duì)于意大利南部的問題，在開發(fā)計(jì)劃和政策方面一直有大量的研究，正如薩比諾·卡塞塞寫道：“自由時(shí)代最重要的知識(shí)分子和政治家已經(jīng)考慮過南北劃分這一‘最卓越的國家問題’。在經(jīng)歷長達(dá)20年的法西斯主義統(tǒng)治期間，這一問題被從公眾討論中清除，直到意大利共和國時(shí)期，該問題重新回到多數(shù)政黨的政治議程上。土地改革，南部開發(fā)基金拉近了這個(gè)國家的南北兩部分之間的距離”[11]。今天，由于經(jīng)濟(jì)形勢，也因?yàn)榻Y(jié)構(gòu)性經(jīng)濟(jì)條件導(dǎo)致的南北意大利鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的巨大差異，兩部分之間的分野正日益成為一個(gè)重大的全國性問題。

1 Premise

Agricultural territory is a kind of "human settlement" that emerged before (temporally) and outside (topologically and functionally) the urban texture. It is generated by, dependent on, and integrated with it. The revelatory lessons by Jane Jacobs gathered in the book The Economy of Cities[1]- built on the success of her debut book, The Death and Life of Great American Cities - points out that rural economies, including agricultural labour, are directly built upon city economy and city labour.

Today in Italy and in several other regions globally, the integration between the rural and the urban no longer corresponds to just the close functional connection and spatial complementarity related to production of agricultural goods and city wealth. Indeed, within a few decades, the agricultural areas of the Mezzogiorno (Southern Italian regions) have been losing their traditional vocation and functional identity: many lands have been left uncultivated, many farms and rural buildings built and expanded thanks to the incentives of the Cassa del Mezzogiorno1), have been transformed into resorts, expensive or mass accommodation facilities. Whereas the Megalopoli Padana or Po Valley (Northern Italian regions), still highly productive, due also to the historical hydraulic reclamation and river regulation works - dating back to Palladio's time - is turning to monocultural conditions and dealing with the increasing pressure of scattered urbanisation and rural tourism. The Po Valley is considered by geographers the richest and most densely populated Italian area (although Veneto was the poorest during the late Nineteen century), and is the only Italian large-scale urbanisation phenomena most closely comparable to the Chinese Pearl River Delta[2].

Furthermore the importance of the theme of landscape, ratified by the Costituzione Italiana (Italian Constitution), grew politically also with the European Landscape Convention 2000, as well as the evolution of the legislative framework and various sectors of policies: Codice dei Beni Culturali e del Paesaggio (Italian Cultural Heritage and Landscape Code) 2000, the strategic objective in the Piano Nazionale di Sviluppo Rurale (National Rural Development Plan) 2007/2013 (PSN) and in agricultural policies 2014-2020. Indeed, today both in Northern and Southern areas the physical alteration of the agricultural landscape is also the result of the use of the most modern technologies (such as the greenhouses crops industry, etc.).

Nevertheless, the current relationship between the urban and the rural domain seems to have become myth and mirage, as demonstrated by the current yearning in Italy for agricultural products at kilometre zero and the most recent private investment to enhance touristic and leisure development in the countryside attracting particularly foreign tourists and investors. The following paragraphs include the major relevant innovations (policies and architectural design) implemented in the Italian countryside through the last century modifying the boundaries and the limits (physical and conceptual) between urban and rural areas, demonstrating also the contemporary lack of a comprehensive national plan to regenerate the agricultural areas in terms of production and repopulation strategies, as the main transformation and investments are prevalently driven by individual and private entrepreneurship or initiative.

For a better understanding of the situation of life in contemporary Italian countryside it would be interesting to trace historically the dynamics of a changing spatial pattern demonstrating that the implementation of the idea of rural life has been built in and out of the city depending on the on-going planned or unplanned, public or private financial mechanism: the post war rural settlements (La Martella), public housing programmes (Tiburtino) and the mass tourism investments (Ostuni Valtur Village), the private tourism initiatives of today. All these traces will select and reorganise facts, figures and design projects usually discussed in different cultural contexts and scholars' specialisations (rationalism, vernacular, neo-realism, picturesque, etc…).

2 Precedents in the literature

The topics discussed below and subdivided by decades are rarely presented jointly or reconnected unitedly for a comprehensive discourse in which the Italian Countryside is directly related to the advancement and innovation in architectural design. For instance, historians of architecture specialised in the Italian fascist period, like Spiro Kostof[3], Giorgio Ciucci[4], Diane Ghirardo[5], or Aristotle Kallis[6]tend to discuss land reclamation of the Pontine land and its rural foundation cities within the framework of the topic of "rationalist architecture". Other scholars researching urban planning, public housing and post war mass urban immigration, such as Peter Rowe[7]and Paola Di Biagio[8], wrote about policies as INA-casa Plan (a government-sponsored affordable housing programme) and typological precedents. Or else, on the idea of the primitive form of construction and techniques, the connection between the vernacular and the official architecture like Michelangelo Sabatino[9]investigates with special reference on the work of Giuseppe Pagano, founder of Casabella magazine, and its legacy. Or on the history of the landscape of tourist settlements in Italy in ninetieth and twentieth century as interestingly described in their book by Fabio Mangone[10], Gemma Belli and Maria Grazia Tampieri.

Then, there is a consistent number of studies addressing the issue of Mezzogiorno, the southern Italy microregion, in terms of development programmes and policies, a relevant issue on which, as Sabino Cassese[11]writes "the most important intellectuals and politicians of the liberal age have considered the North-South divide 'the national question par excellence'. After the twenty years of fascism, which erased the problem from public debate, in the republican Italy the question returned to the political agenda of mass parties. The agrarian reform, the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno (Svimez) brought the two parts of the country closer together". Today the divide among the two parts, because of the economic situation, is increasingly growing as a major national problem also because the northern and the southern Italian countryside are deeply different also due to their structural economic conditions.

3 Land reclamation during Fascism (1920s-1940s)

The reclamation of rural areas begun before the Unity of Italy (1861) and continued during fascism as Emilio Sereni stated well in his books Capitalism in the Countryside, 1860-1960[12]and History of the Italian Landscape[13]. The land reclamation interventions recovered marshlands located in Pontine plain in Latium, Sardinia, Apulia, Campania (Fig.1). Many of these places in the oldest time were regular stops during the Gran Tour and where it was possible to contract malaria or other diseases, as at the nearby the Paestum Temples.

In 1937 Mussolini considered the "ruralisation of Italy" as an antidote for the progressive sterility of the population seen as "a consequence to the industrial revolution's urbanisation [...] thus became the reference points of urban planning as a political-technical discipline useful in the implementation of programmes of 'totalitarian national farm'."[14]The results of this new national agricultural policy (the launching of the Battle of the grain) revealed successful measures after only six years.

The "disurbamento" (disurbanism) theory, elaborated by the architects during the Fascist Regimen, Gustavo Giovannoni in particular, - considered among the most original contribution of Italian culture in that period - was first of all a territorial plan which would finally make available, as Alberto Calza-Bini wrote "a tool of harmonious discipline, with which the aims the Regime has set itself may be achieved: removal of unemployed from the major city centres, the equitable distribution of productive work throughout the national territory, the enhancement and strengthening of natural land resources."[15]Then the theory of "disurbanism" was related to the establishment of new centres, especially in areas of total land reclamation: "although it applies to a regressive scope such as that of 'totalitarian ruralisation', it became an experimental terrain for some of the most beautiful achievements of young Italian architects and urban planners with newly built new towns with vernacular, neorealism, rationalist features. We have always spoken of these new centres as the "new cities". But Luigi Piccinato, presenting the plan of Sabaudia in 1934, calls them "non-city", as a tribute to the theories of the "disurbanism". "Non-city" in as much as mere centres of services for the agricultural reclamation area"[14](Fig.2).

Together with the agrarian one other social reforms were issued: in 1947 the Legge Fanfani (Inacasa Plan) had the aim of solving the public/affordable housing issue together with the scourge of post-war unemployment. The Ina-casa Plan was partially funded by the Marshall Plan - "European Recovery Programme". After 14 years it gave work to 600,000 workers to build 350,000 dwellings (2800 dwellings per week). In this case too, the youngest and talented architects had the opportunity to prove their qualities as in Quartiere Tiburtino (1949-1954) authored largely by Mario Ridolfi and Ludovico Quaroni and others (Fig.3). On a 9-hectare sloping site in the Rome's eastern periphery, Tiburtino was composed of 771 dwelling units for 4000 inhabitants. The target population was lower-income immigrants to Rome from rural areas in neighbouring provinces and from southern Italy. The design proposal was based on the development of a "shape grammar" based mainly on the studies of Ridolfi establishing some specific elements of the project "sympathetic to the informal and ad hoc configurations and architectural inventions to be found in countryside villages and towns familiar to the new immigrants […]. Overall and in combination with garden terraces alongside of small, well vegetated, and paved plaza as well as interstitial spaces, a picturesque vernacular developed with the look of a small Italian town amid otherwise modern materials and construction techniques"[7]39.

2 龐廷平原規(guī)劃（1930年代后期），國家行動(dòng)/Pontine Landfield Plan (late 1930s), Opera Nazionale Combattenti （圖片來源/Sources: 參考文獻(xiàn)/Ref[14]；又見/See also: Onc, L' Agro Pontino. Anno XVIII, Roma. ）

3 Tiburtino住宅區(qū)，由馬里奧·里多爾菲和魯多維科·夸羅尼 等人設(shè)計(jì)/Tiburtino Neighborhood by L. Quaroni, M. Ridolfi, et others, 1950-1954（圖片來源/Sources: ROSSI P O. Guida all' architettura modena 1909-2000. Laterza, 2003: 173.）

4 拉馬爾泰拉，馬泰拉/La Martella Village, Matera, 1952（圖片 來源/Sources: TAFURI M. Ludovico Quaroni e lo sviluppo dell' architettura moderna in Italia. Edizioni di Comunità, 1964.）

3 法西斯統(tǒng)治期間的土地整理（1920-1940年代）

鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的整理始于意大利統(tǒng)一之前（1861 年），并在法西斯統(tǒng)治期間繼續(xù)推進(jìn)，這一點(diǎn)在埃米利奧·塞雷尼的作品《鄉(xiāng)村資本主義，1860-1960》[12]和《意大利景觀的歷史》[13]中有清晰的介紹。土地整理干預(yù)措施恢復(fù)了位于拉丁、撒丁島、阿普利亞、坎帕尼亞的龐廷平原上的沼澤地（圖1）。在最古老的時(shí)代，這些地方的很多地區(qū)都是游學(xué)之旅的常規(guī)站點(diǎn)，在這里如帕埃斯圖姆神廟附近可能會(huì)感染瘧疾或其他疾病。

1937 年，墨索里尼認(rèn)為，“意大利的鄉(xiāng)村化是一劑解毒劑，可以緩解日益增長的人口減少癥，這被視為‘工業(yè)革命的城市化導(dǎo)致的后果’，因此成為對(duì)實(shí)施‘極權(quán)主義國家農(nóng)場’計(jì)劃具有政治-技術(shù)學(xué)科有用的參考要點(diǎn)”[14]。這一新的國家農(nóng)業(yè)政策（“谷物之戰(zhàn)”）僅僅在6 年間就已見成效。

法西斯統(tǒng)治時(shí)期的建筑師們，尤其是古斯塔夫·喬萬尼，所闡述的“反城市理論”，被認(rèn)為是該時(shí)期意大利文化最具原創(chuàng)性的貢獻(xiàn)之一。該理論首先是一項(xiàng)國土空間計(jì)劃，正如阿爾韋托·卡爾扎-比尼所描述的：“一種和諧管制的工具，政權(quán)可以通過它來實(shí)現(xiàn)自己的目的：將失業(yè)者從主要城市中心遷出，在全國范圍內(nèi)公平分配生產(chǎn)性工作，增加及加強(qiáng)自然土地資源”[15]。當(dāng)時(shí)，這種“反城市主義”理論與建立新中心有關(guān)，尤其是在整個(gè)土地整理區(qū)域：“盡管它適用于退化的范圍，例如‘集權(quán)主義鄉(xiāng)村化’，對(duì)于一些年輕的意大利建筑師和城市規(guī)劃者而言，它已經(jīng)成為一個(gè)試驗(yàn)性的地方，擁有新建成的新城鎮(zhèn)，它們具有本土、新現(xiàn)實(shí)主義和理性主義的特征。我們一直把這些新中心稱為‘新城市’。但是路易吉·皮奇納托在1934 年提出了薩博迪亞計(jì)劃，將它們稱為‘非城市’，是對(duì)‘反城市主義’理論的致敬。 ‘非城市’不僅僅是農(nóng)業(yè)墾區(qū)的服務(wù)中心”[14]（圖2） 。

除了土地改革之外，還有其他社會(huì)改革被發(fā)起了：1947 年，萊格·范凡尼INA-casa 計(jì)劃的目標(biāo)是解決公共住房/可負(fù)擔(dān)住宅問題及戰(zhàn)后失業(yè)問題。INA-casa 計(jì)劃由歐洲復(fù)興的經(jīng)濟(jì)援助計(jì)劃“馬歇爾計(jì)劃”提供部分資助。經(jīng)過14 年的努力，該計(jì)劃為60 萬工人提供工作機(jī)會(huì)，建造了35 萬套住房（每周建造2800 套住房）。同樣在這種情況下，就像馬里奧·里多爾菲和魯多維科·夸羅尼等人所作的Tiburtino 住宅區(qū)（1949-1954）中所展現(xiàn)的那樣，最年輕的和最富有才華的建筑師們利用這個(gè)機(jī)會(huì)證明了它們的卓越品質(zhì)（圖3）。Tiburtino 住宅區(qū)位于羅馬東部邊緣一個(gè)9hm2的山坡，這里建造了771 套居住單元，可容納4000 名居民。這些住房的目標(biāo)人群是來自鄰近省份農(nóng)村地區(qū)和意大利南部的低收入移民。該設(shè)計(jì)方案基于“形狀文法”理論的發(fā)展，主要基于對(duì)里多爾菲的研究，確立了項(xiàng)目的一些特定元素：“與新移民所熟悉的農(nóng)村村莊和城鎮(zhèn)中常見的非正式自發(fā)配置與建筑發(fā)明相呼應(yīng)……在總體上進(jìn)行規(guī)劃，并與花園露臺(tái)、綠化良好的小廣場及空隙空間相結(jié)合，運(yùn)用現(xiàn)代材料和建筑技巧，形成了獨(dú)特的本土景觀，呈現(xiàn)出一個(gè)意大利小鎮(zhèn)的風(fēng)貌”[7]39。

時(shí)至今日，1930 年代的研究在概念上仍然未被超越，仍然具有參考價(jià)值，例如由瓜爾尼羅·丹尼爾和朱塞佩·帕加諾于1933 年出版的《意大利鄉(xiāng)村建筑》以及達(dá)戈貝托·奧丁西于1931 年出版的《鄉(xiāng)村建筑》。

4 鄉(xiāng)村移民，土地改革（1940-1950年代）

二戰(zhàn)后，緊張的氣氛席卷了南方農(nóng)村。大約1/8的意大利人口——4600 萬人中至少有600 萬人仍然不會(huì)讀也不會(huì)寫。文盲是一種社會(huì)隱患，尤其是在意大利南部的農(nóng)村中心區(qū)域。根據(jù)1951 年的人口普查，文盲的“資格”不再屬于那些不會(huì)寫自己名字的人，而是屬于那些不會(huì)讀書和寫字的人。1947 年9 月17日，意大利政府頒布了一項(xiàng)建立公立工人學(xué)校的法令，以應(yīng)對(duì)這種緊急情況2）。

阿爾契德·加斯貝利總理領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的政府通過改革實(shí)現(xiàn)了多種政治目標(biāo)。這些政治目標(biāo)旨在緩解南方鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的社會(huì)緊張狀況，努力讓勞動(dòng)力繼續(xù)從事農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)，并重建一個(gè)扎根于農(nóng)田的社會(huì)結(jié)構(gòu)，這一切都和共和國民主制度的命運(yùn)息息相關(guān)。

1950 年，土地改革開始了，范圍涉及莫利塞、普利亞、巴斯利卡塔、卡拉布里亞、西西里島、撒丁島，以及其他地區(qū)的一些省份：波河三角洲、馬雷馬和富奇諾。超過300hm2的土地被征收，2800 名業(yè)主得到補(bǔ)償，被征收的70 萬hm2土地作為農(nóng)場分配給農(nóng)民的主要來源。

隨著土地改革的推進(jìn)，一個(gè)獨(dú)立的公共行政機(jī)構(gòu)南方基金成立了，專門負(fù)責(zé)意大利南部的特殊發(fā)展政策3）[11]。受影響的區(qū)域包括所有南部地區(qū)以及拉齊奧、馬爾凱和托斯卡納大區(qū)的一些地區(qū)。南方基金的最初撥款達(dá)1 萬億意大利里拉，供10 年內(nèi)使用。它的功能本質(zhì)上是建造公共工程。在南方基金的行動(dòng)下，整理工程已經(jīng)完成，灌溉面積超過50 萬hm2。修建了新的水渠，各地都改善了道路狀況。

正如學(xué)者們所確認(rèn)的那樣，南方基金的作用就像羅斯福所倡導(dǎo)的田納西州流域管理局一樣，是“一個(gè)被授予政府權(quán)力但擁有私營企業(yè)靈活性和主動(dòng)性的公司”[16]。1950-1960 年的10 年間，南方基金批準(zhǔn)了169,202 個(gè)項(xiàng)目，金額高達(dá)1.4 萬億意大利里拉，其中1029 個(gè)項(xiàng)目涉及公共工程部門，374 個(gè)項(xiàng)目涉及私營部門。

南方農(nóng)業(yè)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施大大改善了生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng)，產(chǎn)量翻了一番。在許多墾區(qū)，例如梅塔龐蒂諾的墾區(qū)，人口增長了4 倍，失業(yè)現(xiàn)象被根除。這些轉(zhuǎn)型為新的社會(huì)團(tuán)體和新的統(tǒng)治階級(jí)開辟了道路。這些投資是1960年代大眾旅游發(fā)展的基礎(chǔ)，特別是在沿海地區(qū)，而且仍然是當(dāng)代豪華旅游和大眾旅游的基礎(chǔ)。

在1950 年代，馬泰拉——位于意大利南部巴斯利卡塔的一座擁有6 萬居民的城市，因被選為2019年歐洲文化之都而聞名于世——曾經(jīng)是一個(gè)試驗(yàn)場，尤其是建筑新現(xiàn)實(shí)主義的試驗(yàn)場。

1943 年，美國人對(duì)馬泰拉的興趣日益增加，當(dāng)時(shí)美國軍隊(duì)途經(jīng)附近的領(lǐng)土登上半島，看到仍然住在洞穴民居的人們。在土地改革和《馬泰拉特別法》的框架內(nèi)，農(nóng)村工人從洞穴民居搬遷到7 個(gè)新建的社區(qū)，如拉馬爾泰拉和斯賓比安克。這場干預(yù)行動(dòng)由馬泰拉城市和農(nóng)業(yè)研究委員會(huì)資助，并由聯(lián)合國救濟(jì)和重建署無家可歸者援助委員會(huì)（UNRRA-CASAS）及國家規(guī)劃研究所（INU）推動(dòng)，在INU 所長阿德里亞諾·奧利維蒂和美國阿肯色大學(xué)德裔社會(huì)學(xué)家弗雷德里克·弗里德曼的倡議下，第一次關(guān)于馬泰拉的系統(tǒng)認(rèn)知調(diào)查的目標(biāo)是創(chuàng)建新的“社區(qū)”，在這些社區(qū)中，教育運(yùn)動(dòng)和人類重組受到青睞。1949 年，奧利維蒂的私人朋友弗里德曼抵達(dá)馬泰拉，他的研究也以各種文獻(xiàn)為基礎(chǔ)，如卡洛·列維的著作《基督停留在埃博利》（1945）。弗里德曼認(rèn)為馬泰拉是一個(gè)農(nóng)民世界的典型地區(qū)。他發(fā)現(xiàn)“……農(nóng)民生活的客觀條件和其反應(yīng)的高尚之間形成鮮明對(duì)比。這種對(duì)比教會(huì)了來訪者……這種窮困不僅僅是物質(zhì)條件的狀態(tài)……這是一種生活方式，是一種生活哲學(xué)……”。

Studies that still remain valid references, as of today not conceptually surpassed, were produced during the thirties as The Italian Rural Architecture by Guarniero Daniel and Giuseppe Pagano - Casabella editor in 1933 - and the manual published by Dagoberto Ortensi in 1931 as Rural Buildings.

4 Migration from the countryside, the Agrarian Reform (1940s-1950s)

Immediately after the Second World War a tense climate swept the southern countryside. About one-eighth of the Italian population - at least 6 million citizens out of 46 million - could still neither read nor write. Illiteracy was a social scourge especially in the rural centres of Southern Italy. For the general census of 1951, the "qualification" of illiterate was no longer attributed to those who could not write their name, but to those who could not read and write. The Italian government responded to this emergency by issuing a decree-law instituting public workers schools on September 17, 19472).

The political objectives of the government lead by Prime Minister Alcide De Gasperi through the reform aimed to appease social tensions in the southern countryside, trying to keep the workforce in agricultural activities and to rebuild a social fabric anchored to the farmlands, involved in the fate of the republican democratic system.

In 1950 the agrarian reform was launched concerning Molise, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria, Sicily, Sardinia and some provinces of other regions: the Po Delta, the Maremma and the Fucino. Properties exceeding 300 hectares are expropriated 2800 owners are indemnified. The 700 thousand expropriated hectares constituted the majority of the lands assigned as farms to the peasants.

With the agrarian reform, Cassa del Mezzogiorno3)[11]was established, an independent body of the Public Administration dedicated to special development policy for the Southern Italy. The territory included in its sphere of influence all the southern regions and some areas of the regions of Lazio, Marche and Tuscany. The initial allocation of the Cassa amounts to one trillion, to be used over a period of ten years. Its function was essentially to build public works. With the actions of the Cassa, reclamation was completed and irrigation extended to over 500 thousand hectares. New aqueducts were built and roadways were improved everywhere.

As scholars affirm Cassa del Mezzogiorno was intended like the Tennessee Valley Authority promoted by Franklin Delano Roosevelt "a corporation clothed with the power of Government but possessed of the flexibility and initiative of a private enterprise"[16]. Over a decade, from 1950 to 1960, the Cassa per il Mezzogiorno approved 169,202 projects, for an amount of 1403 billion Italian Liras, of which 1029 related to projects in the public works sector and 374 the private sector.

The infrastructure of southern agriculture greatly improved the production system, doubling its output. In many reclamation areas, such as that of the Metapontino, the population grows even fourfold and unemployment was eradicated. These transformations opened the way for new social groups and new ruling classes. These investments were at the basis of the mass tourist development during the Sixties, especially in the coastal areas, and are still the basis for the contemporary luxury and low-cost tourism.

During fifties, Matera - a city of 60 thousand inhabitants in Basilicata internationally renowned as it was selected as the 2019 European Capital of Culture - was already an experimental field especially for architectural Neorealism.

The interest of the Americans in Matera grew in 1943 when the American Army was going up the peninsula passing by territories nearby and saw people who still lived in the caves (Sassi). In the framework of the Agrarian Reform and of the Special Law for Matera the rural workers were relocated from Sassi to seven newly built neighbourhoods such as La Martella and Spine Bianche. The intervention was funded by The Commission for the study of the city and the Agro of Matera and was promoted by the UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) - CASAS (Homeless Assistance Committee) and the INU (National Planning Institute), on the initiative of Adriano Olivetti, president of INU, and Frederic Friedmann, a German sociologist professor at the University of Arkansas, USA. The goal of this first systematic cognitive survey on Matera was to create new "communities", in which pedagogical moments and human reorganization were favoured. Friedmann, a personal friend of Olivetti, arrived in Matera in 1949 grounding his research also on documents like Carlo Levi's book Christ stopped at Eboli (1945). Friedmann recognised Matera as an exemplary place, a model of the peasant's world. He discovers "... the striking contrast between the objective conditions of the peasant's life and the nobility of his reactions. This contrast teaches the visitor ... that misery is more than a state of material condition ... it is a way of life, a philosophy ..." (Fig.4).

La Martella is one of the most relevant completed rural villages designed (1952-1954) by Ludovico Quaroni with Federico Gorio, Michele Valori, Piero Maria Lugli, Luigi Agati. Spine Bianche is a residential neighbourhood designed by Aldo Aymonino and others implemented together with Giancarlo De Carlo and Mario Fiorentino. According to Manfredo Tafuri, it "represents an attempt to rationalisation of populist etymologies. According to Vittorio Gregotti, with Spine Bianche it is implemented a dialogue between the tradition of Milanese rationalism and the research, typical of the Aymonino generation, of a critical realism able to face, on the concreteness of the Italian context, the best traditions of modern design. The project expresses the transition to significant modification, as an awareness of being in history without depending on it."[17]Besides Southern Italy other regions were also involved in the reclamation processes and other agencies were founded like Ente Maremma (Southern Tuscany), and the already mentioned Pontine plain.

5 The failure of the Agrarian Reform (1950s-1960s): the Mediterranean myth and the vernacular architecture

The Agrarian Reform fails, in the transition between the years Fifties and Sixties due to the industrial development of Northern Italy and Central Europe and with the consequent migration of the agrarian masses (villages of the abandoned Reformation especially in Calabria and Sicily). However, the culture of vernacular architecture as an alternative language to modernism will continue to be practiced and studied by architects and scholars.

Ludovico Quaroni elaborated studies for cities in Apulia and Basilicata, in particular A Study for the Coordination of Reclamation Area (1956) and Three Conferences on the Urban Planning and the Southern Italian Buildings later published in the book The Physical City of 1981[18]. However, this will not be just an Italian cultural phenomenon: one of the most internationally relevant contribute during those years is Architecture without Architects of Bernard Rudofsky[19]published in 1964. He also designed a remarkable project, Villa Oro, in Naples with Luigi Cosenza (Fig.5).

The mid-sixties, the years of the economic boom, are also the years of the "cementification of the coasts", as the two issues of Casabella of 1964 dedicated to the Italian coasts denounce.

All the architectural experiments and typological models developed for almost three decades (from 1930s to 1960s) represent an important ground of knowledges and references for the modern tourist settlements built beginning in 1960s in Italy - directly and indirectly financed by northern industrial groups and state companies - linguistically grounded on the studies and experiences of the period of neo-realism and of the major agrarian reforms. A significant set of examples are the three Tourist Villages[20]built by Valtur4)in southern Italy, from 1966 to 1972, Ostuni in Apulia, Isola Capo Rizzuto (Calabria), Brucoli (Sicilia), designed by Lucio Barbera, Luisa Anversa, Gabriele Belardelli (Fig.6), published by Bruno Zevi in his magazine L'Architettura. Cronache e storia during the early Seventies and winning National prize (IN/ARCH). They may be considered a relevant typological alternative of tourist residences experimenting "the compact settlements instead of the isolated villa to protect the integrity of the Mediterranean landscape" as Zevi argued in his critical editorial text: "The greatest merit [of these villages] - he continues - seems to have burned both the myths of spontaneous architecture, and the international schemes detached from the history of those regions. But having considered the means of establishing the new environment, perhaps traceable in the positive experience of the Roman school, in particular Ridolfi and in the ways of aggregating volumes that refer to the English residential experiences such as those of Denys Lasdun or James Gowan". It is the beginning of a phase in which countryside and seaside in Italy become privileged fields of mass tourism and of developers' interventions (especially the seaside coastal areas). According to Istat, the national census bureau in 1959 only 13% of the population went on vacation while in 1985 it rose to 59%. The highly exclusive beach resorts of the earliest seaside tourism were built in Rimini (1843) and Venice (1857) while after 1930 they started becoming popular and rapidly multiplied.

5 奧羅別墅，那不勒斯，由路易吉·科森扎和伯納德·魯多夫斯基 設(shè)計(jì)/Villa Oro, Naples, by Luigi Cosenza and Bernard Rudofsky, 1934-1937（圖片來源/Sources: https://www.archiportale.com）

6 瓦爾圖爾，奧斯圖尼，由由盧西奧·巴貝拉、路易莎·安弗洛 斯、加布里埃爾·貝拉德利設(shè)計(jì)/Villaggio Valtur, Ostuni, by Lucio Barbera, Luisa Anversa, Gabriele Belardelli, Vieri Quilici, Claudio Maroni, 1970（圖片來源/Sources: 參考文獻(xiàn)/Ref[20]）

拉馬爾泰拉（圖4）是由魯多維科·夸羅尼、費(fèi)德里科·戈里奧、米歇爾·瓦洛里、皮耶羅·瑪麗亞·陸格利及路易吉·阿格緹設(shè)計(jì)（1952-1954）的最具相關(guān)性的已建成村莊之一。斯賓比安克是奧爾多·艾莫尼諾和其他人設(shè)計(jì)的住宅小區(qū)，與吉安卡洛·德·卡洛、馬里奧·佛羅倫薩共同實(shí)施。根據(jù)曼弗雷多·塔夫里的說法，它“代表了一種平民主義詞源學(xué)的合理化嘗試。維托里奧·格雷戈蒂認(rèn)為，通過斯賓比安克項(xiàng)目，在米蘭理性主義傳統(tǒng)與艾莫尼諾一代典型的批判現(xiàn)實(shí)主義研究之間實(shí)現(xiàn)了一場對(duì)話，而批判現(xiàn)實(shí)主義在意大利語境的具體層面，是現(xiàn)代設(shè)計(jì)的最佳傳統(tǒng)。這個(gè)項(xiàng)目表達(dá)了向重大修正的轉(zhuǎn)變，是一種不依賴于歷史卻存在于歷史之中的意識(shí)”[17]。除了意大利南部之外，其他地區(qū)也參與了土地整理過程，而且還建立了其他機(jī)構(gòu)，如恩德馬雷馬（托斯卡納區(qū)南部）和上文已提到的龐廷平原。

5 土地改革的失?。?950-1960年代）地中海神話和鄉(xiāng)土建筑

在1950、1960 年代的過渡時(shí)期，由于意大利北部和中歐的工業(yè)發(fā)展，以及隨之而來的農(nóng)業(yè)人口遷移，土地改革遭遇了失敗。然而，建筑師和學(xué)者們繼續(xù)研究和實(shí)踐鄉(xiāng)土建筑文化，以其作為現(xiàn)代主義的替代語言。

魯多維科·夸羅尼對(duì)阿普利亞和巴斯利卡塔的城市進(jìn)行了詳細(xì)的研究，尤其是在其于1956 年出版的《整理區(qū)協(xié)調(diào)研究》和在《3 次關(guān)于城市規(guī)劃和南部意大利建筑的會(huì)議》中對(duì)這些城市有詳細(xì)論述，后來1981 年他將這些會(huì)議論述集結(jié)出版了《體形城市》一書[18]。然而，這不僅僅是一種意大利文化現(xiàn)象：在那些年中，最具國際相關(guān)性的貢獻(xiàn)之一是伯納德·魯多夫斯基[19]于1964 年出版的《沒有建筑師的建筑》。他還在那不勒斯和路易吉·科森扎一起設(shè)計(jì)了一個(gè)著名的項(xiàng)目——奧羅別墅（圖5）。

1960 年代中期是經(jīng)濟(jì)繁榮的年代，正如1964年專門討論意大利海岸的兩期《卡薩貝拉》所譴責(zé)的那樣，這段時(shí)期也是“海岸水泥化”的年代。

在近30 年間（1930-1960 年代）發(fā)展起來的所有建筑實(shí)驗(yàn)和類型學(xué)模型，是意大利1960 年代開始建設(shè)的現(xiàn)代旅游區(qū)的一種重要的知識(shí)基礎(chǔ)。這些旅游區(qū)直接和間接由北方工業(yè)集團(tuán)和國有公司提供資助——在語言上以新現(xiàn)實(shí)主義時(shí)期和重大農(nóng)業(yè)改革時(shí)期的研究和經(jīng)驗(yàn)為基礎(chǔ)。一組重要的例子是由瓦爾圖爾4）于1966-1972 年間在意大利南部建造的3 個(gè)旅游度假村[20]：阿普利亞的奧斯特尼、卡拉布里亞的伊索拉卡波里祖托、西西里島的布魯科利，這些度假村由盧西奧·巴貝拉、路易莎·安弗洛斯、加布里埃爾·貝拉德利設(shè)計(jì)（圖6）。由布魯諾·澤維于1970 年代初在其雜志L'Architettura. Cronache e storia 中發(fā)表，并榮獲國家級(jí)大獎(jiǎng)（IN/ARCH）。它們被認(rèn)為是旅游住宅試驗(yàn)的一種替代形態(tài)，這種試驗(yàn)是澤維在其評(píng)論文章中提出的“緊湊型居住區(qū)，而非孤立別墅，以保護(hù)地中海景觀的完整性”：“（這些村莊）最大的優(yōu)點(diǎn)——他繼續(xù)說道——似乎消滅了自發(fā)建筑的神話，也消滅了脫離這些地區(qū)歷史的國際計(jì)劃。但考察了建立新環(huán)境的各種方式，也許在羅馬學(xué)派的積極經(jīng)驗(yàn)中可以尋覓蹤跡，尤其是在里多爾菲身上，以及參考英國居住經(jīng)驗(yàn)的各種方式中，如丹尼斯·拉斯頓或詹姆斯·高恩的經(jīng)驗(yàn)?！边@是意大利的鄉(xiāng)村和海濱成為大眾旅游和開發(fā)商特權(quán)領(lǐng)域（尤其是海濱沿岸地區(qū)）的開始階段。根據(jù)意大利統(tǒng)計(jì)局的記錄，1959 年，國家人口普查局統(tǒng)計(jì)到只有13%的人口去度假，到了1985 年度假人口比例上升至59%。最早的海濱旅游勝地建于里米尼（1843）和威尼斯（1857），而在1930 年后，它們開始變得十分流行并迅速成倍增加。

從1970 年代開始，農(nóng)業(yè)用地政策被放棄。人們假定現(xiàn)代農(nóng)業(yè)必須考慮少數(shù)擁有尖端技術(shù)和工藝的熟練工人——這占很低的人口比例（見美國、德國等國的農(nóng)業(yè)人口數(shù)據(jù)），這種看法也許是正確的。

在這一框架內(nèi)，學(xué)者們將城市-區(qū)域關(guān)系的愿景視為一種人類學(xué)-建筑學(xué)研究領(lǐng)域，正如維托里奧·格里高蒂（時(shí)任《卡薩貝拉》編輯） 于1985 年出版的著名論文《區(qū)域與建筑》中所宣稱的那樣，作為一個(gè)理論和結(jié)構(gòu)研究領(lǐng)域，其中整個(gè)區(qū)域都在努力實(shí)現(xiàn)生活質(zhì)量和功能的對(duì)等。這些意大利建筑文化的方法出現(xiàn)在著名的雜志《卡薩貝拉》——格雷戈蒂編輯的“建筑的區(qū)域”中，或者魯多維科·夸羅尼講授的設(shè)計(jì)工作室課程中。魯多維科致力于羅馬-佛羅倫薩和羅馬-那不勒斯之間的激進(jìn)的烏托邦原型連續(xù)體城市研究[21]，尤其考慮到基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的漫長建造過程，1968 年，由喬治·拉夫洛領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的經(jīng)濟(jì)部啟動(dòng)了一項(xiàng)全國方案——“1980 年代計(jì)劃”[22]（圖7），圍繞該計(jì)劃，全國開展了一系列討論，形成了一些基本原則。推廣國家基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施發(fā)展的先進(jìn)理念和基于“綜合發(fā)展方法”景觀理念的簡單概念化，但由于政治經(jīng)濟(jì)中采用了壓倒一切的文化方法，該計(jì)劃失敗了。今天，盡管一些觀察家告訴我們，僅有旅游業(yè)是不夠的，而幾十年來農(nóng)業(yè)的發(fā)展一直不充分， 除了農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)發(fā)生深刻變化之外，意大利農(nóng)村越來越多地被用于旅游和娛樂。

6 今天的意大利鄉(xiāng)村工業(yè)

意大利南部的幾個(gè)農(nóng)業(yè)區(qū)——可以被視為人類景觀和自古以來就被改造過的人工產(chǎn)物——如今正在失去其主要的傳統(tǒng)功能。近年來，許多土地被荒廢，取而代之的是直接的公共支付和獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)。近幾十年來，在此季節(jié)性就業(yè)的工人大部分是移民。這些農(nóng)場建筑（農(nóng)場、農(nóng)舍、商店）中的許多建筑都是在南方基金的激勵(lì)下建造和擴(kuò)建的，現(xiàn)已轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)檗r(nóng)場、度假村、獨(dú)家和低成本的住宿設(shè)施。這一現(xiàn)象體現(xiàn)了許多美麗的意大利后鄉(xiāng)村地區(qū)的功能變化。在意大利，我們現(xiàn)在正在失去農(nóng)業(yè)。作為一種普遍性實(shí)踐，這種情況明確證實(shí)了內(nèi)閣會(huì)議主席-青年和國家公務(wù)員事務(wù)部的倡議，它于2016 年10 月建立了農(nóng)業(yè)公務(wù)員制度。

一方面，盡管很少，但仍有關(guān)于初創(chuàng)公司致力于促進(jìn)農(nóng)業(yè)生物多樣性和新的社會(huì)化農(nóng)場成功的案例；另一方面，有許多關(guān)于農(nóng)民的故事證實(shí)了意大利農(nóng)業(yè)結(jié)構(gòu)性變化的原因：其中有一位計(jì)算機(jī)工程師辭職后建立了一座農(nóng)場，他以有機(jī)的方式種植一種玉米，并在網(wǎng)上進(jìn)行銷售。此外，年輕一代對(duì)在農(nóng)村工作、投資和生活也越來越感興趣，工作包括葡萄園生產(chǎn)、特殊稀有品種或被棄品種的栽培、住宿加早餐型旅館或度假村，投資自己的家庭資金或獲得公共獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)以更新舊的和被放棄的農(nóng)村建筑。《金融時(shí)報(bào)》[23]最近發(fā)表的一篇文章講述了一個(gè)前雷曼兄弟公司的白領(lǐng)逃離城市，回到農(nóng)村生活的故事（生產(chǎn)馬蘇里拉奶酪和其他奶酪）。文章中還有意大利農(nóng)業(yè)聯(lián)合會(huì)青年農(nóng)民協(xié)會(huì)主席的報(bào)告：“現(xiàn)在人們認(rèn)為這是一份不錯(cuò)的工作，且伴以良好的生活方式……畢業(yè)生熱衷于投資旅游業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)?！?/p>

From the Seventies onward, the abandonment of policies for agrarian spaces followed. It is assumed, perhaps rightly, that modern agriculture must count a small number of skilled workers with cutting-edge technologies and processes - a very low percentage of population (see data on the agricultural population in the USA, Germany, etc.).

In this framework the vision of the relation between city-territory was conceived by scholars as an anthropological-architectural research field, as claimed by Vittorio Gregotti in his well-known essay Territory and Architecture, published in 1985 when he was editor of Casabella, as a theoretical and structural research field in which the whole territory strives for the equivalence of the quality of life and functions. These approaches to Italian architectural culture is presented in a well-known Casabella issue The Territories of Architecture edited by Gregotti, or in the design studio courses taught by Ludovico Quaroni, working on the radical proto-utopian Continuum City[21]between Rome-Florence and Rome-Naples and especially considering the lengthy processes of the infrastructures, some fundamental foreseen in Italy since the national debate around the "Progetto '80"[22](Fig. 7) a national programme started in 1968 by the Ministry of Economy directed by Giorgio Ruffolo promoting an advanced idea of infrastructural development of the country and a primitive conceptualisation of the idea of landscape based on an "integrated development approach" which failed because of the overwhelming cultural approaches in the political economy. Today, besides a deeply transformed agricultural production, Italian countryside is increasingly used for tourism and entertainment although several observers tell us that tourism alone is not enough, as agriculture has not been sufficient for decades.

7 1980年代計(jì)劃/Progetto 1980s, general scheme（圖片來源/ Sources: 參考文獻(xiàn)/Ref[22]）

6 The Italian Rural Industry Today

Several agricultural areas of the Mezzogiorno - which can be described as an anthropological landscape and man-built artefact modified since ancient times - today are losing their main traditional vocation. Many lands, in recent years, have been left uncultivated in exchange for direct public payments and incentives. The workers, employed seasonally, during the recent decades have been mainly immigrants. Many of the farm buildings (farms, farmhouses, stores), built and expanded with the incentives of the Cassa del Mezzogiorno, have been transformed into farms, resorts, exclusive and low-cost accommodation facilities, thus defining the change of vocation of many beautiful post-rural Italian places. That in Italy we are now losing the agrarian vocation, as a widespread practice, definitively confirms the initiative of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers - the Department of Youth and National Civil Service, which established the option for civil service in agriculture (October 2016).

If on the one hand the success stories of startups - too few succeed - that work on biodiversity in agriculture and promote new social farms, on the other hand there are many stories of farmers who confirm the reasons for the structural crisis of Italian agriculture: among the others there is the example of a computer engineer quit a job to set up a farm producing a forgotten strain of corn, which he grows organically and sells online. Besides, there is also a growing interest among the young generation in working, investing and living in the countryside involved in vineyard production, special rare or abandoned cultivation, running bed and breakfast or resorts, investing their own family money or acquiring public incentives to renew old and abandoned rural buildings. A recent article published on Financial Times[23]narrates the story of a former Lehman Brothers white-collar shunning for rural life (producing buffalo milk to make mozzarella and other cheeses) and the report of the president of Italy's Confagricoltura young farmer's association "It's considered a cool job now with good lifestyle […] Graduates are enthusiastic about investing in tourism and farming".

7 European and Italian tendencies today

Rural Europe is home to more than half of the EU population and covers more than three quarters of the territory. Analysing the Dutch case in a recent interview Rem Koolhaas[24]observes that in an age when we are all obsessed with cities, countryside is the most radical place of transformation, less and less "agricultural" less and less "authentic". The Dutch countryside, like some villages in the Swiss Alps, observes Koolhaas - if on the one hand depopulates, on the other grows and multiplies -, is inhabited provisionally, presents the characteristics of the phenomena of "thinning", increases the area of transformation and the intensity of its exploitation diminishes, since the activities that take place in it have changed: the functions of service have increased and the agricultural ones are greatly reduced or modified: "What we found was a thriving prototype of the nonagricultural countryside - a new genre of land use called 'the intermediate' - a well-manicured place where surface appearances bear almost no relation to what is actually happening on the land and in the buildings" (Fig.8).

Koolhaas's discourse confirms what has been evident since the time of Ambrogio Lorenzetti's fresco in Siena "The Allegory of Good and Bad Government" (1338-1339): although common sense tends to associate agricultural landscape to nature, the countryside is an anthropic and artificial artefact whose authenticity has always been ambiguously interpreted and subjected to the specificity of the economies and policies of the moment and can only be "in tune with our present environmental situation. It can no longer be some sort of idealised reference to a nature inherited from the past, call it "dirty realism" if you wish. For it is precisely this obstinate reference to an idealised nature belonging to another era that has enabled us to perpetrate the worst desecration of nature to this day"[25].

The undefined land called "intermediate" or "periurban" - relating to an area immediately surrounding a city or a town - differs in Europe from city to city. Moreover, it is not always clearly organised by a theoretical scheme as the Five Fingers Plan of Copenhagen elaborated in 1949 by the Dansk Byplanlabouratorium lead by Steen Eiler Rasmussen - or the fringe-belt theories developed by M.G.R. Conzen in the same years for German and English cities. Whatever the regulations or the policies are in Europe there is a growing number of entrepreneurs renovating, transforming, preserving old farmhouses and estates, fifty to three hundred years old, or expanding and refurbishing them into resorts and boutique hotels.

Therefore, there is an interesting growing trend - also a growing business for architects: designing wineries surrounded by vineyards. One of the first winery intended as a contemporary architectural building is the Dominus Winery completed in 1998 in Nappa Valley and designed by Herzog and De Meroun, a building and a landart project using hundreds of gabion baskets filled with local field stone. A few years later, Frank Owen Gehry (Fig. 9) followed in Spain with a project at Rioja accepting the challenge with Marqués de Riscal in 2007, Steven Holl in Austria with Loisium hotel completed in 2005 at Langenlois. Among the most interesting wineries in Italy: La Rocca di Frassinello winery by Renzo Piano (Fig. 10), built in 2007 in the heart of the Maremma in Tuscany, then the Cantina Petra designed in 2003 nearby Livorno by Mario Botta (Fig. 11), the Cantina Antinori opened in Tuscany in 2012 by Studio Archea (Fig. 12), the Cantina Bulgari in San Casciano dei Bagni by Alvisi Kirimoto (Fig. 13) in 2013.

8 庫哈斯對(duì)荷蘭當(dāng)代鄉(xiāng)村的研究/Study on the Dutch contemporary countryside by Koolhaas（圖片來源/Sources: 參考文獻(xiàn)/Ref[24]）

9 里斯卡爾侯爵酒莊酒店，西班牙，2006，弗蘭克·蓋里設(shè)計(jì)/ Hotel-Winert Marques de Riscal in Rioja, Spain, 2006 by Frank Owen Gehry

10 斯納羅葡萄園，托斯卡納，2007，倫佐·皮亞諾設(shè)計(jì)/La Rocca di Frassinello, Tuscany, 2007 by Renzo Piano

11 佩特拉酒吧，托斯卡納，2003，馬里奧·博塔設(shè)計(jì)/Cantina Petra, Tuscany, 2003 by Mario Botta

12 安蒂諾里酒吧，托斯卡納，2004-2013，阿奇亞工作室設(shè)計(jì)/ Cantina Antinori, Tuscany, 2004-2013 by Studio Archea

13 寶格麗酒吧，托斯卡納，2013，拉爾維斯·基里莫托設(shè)計(jì)/ Cantina Bulgari, Tuscany, 2013 by Alvisi Kirimoto

7 今天歐洲和意大利的趨勢

歐洲農(nóng)村是一半以上歐盟人口的家園，覆蓋了超過3/4 的領(lǐng)土。雷姆·庫哈斯[24]在最近接受采訪中分析了荷蘭的情況。他觀察到，在一個(gè)我們都癡迷于城市的時(shí)代，鄉(xiāng)村是最激進(jìn)的變革之地，“農(nóng)業(yè)”越來越少，而“真實(shí)”也越來越少。庫哈斯發(fā)現(xiàn)，荷蘭的鄉(xiāng)村像瑞士阿爾卑斯山的一些村莊一樣——如果說一方面人口在減少，另一方面人口卻在增長——因?yàn)榕R時(shí)有人居住，這呈現(xiàn)出“稀釋”現(xiàn)象的特點(diǎn)，轉(zhuǎn)型的面積增加了，同時(shí)開發(fā)強(qiáng)度也降低了，因?yàn)槠渲邪l(fā)生的活動(dòng)產(chǎn)生了變化：服務(wù)功能增加了，而農(nóng)業(yè)功能大幅減少或被改變了：“我們曾發(fā)現(xiàn)的是非農(nóng)業(yè)鄉(xiāng)村的一個(gè)繁榮原型——一種被稱為‘中間地帶’的新的土地利用類型——一個(gè)精心整修的地方，這里的表面現(xiàn)象與土地和建筑中實(shí)際發(fā)生的情況幾乎沒有關(guān)系”（圖8）。

庫哈斯的論述證實(shí)了自安布羅喬·洛倫茲蒂在錫耶納所繪壁畫《好政府和壞政府的寓言》 （1338-1339）時(shí)代以來一直顯而易見的情況：盡管常識(shí)傾向于將農(nóng)業(yè)景觀與自然聯(lián)系起來，但鄉(xiāng)村是一個(gè)與人類有關(guān)的人工產(chǎn)物，其真實(shí)性一直被模糊地解釋，并受制于當(dāng)前經(jīng)濟(jì)和政策的特殊性，而且只能“與我們當(dāng)前的環(huán)境狀況相一致。它不再是對(duì)過去傳承下來的自然的某種理想，如果你愿意，可以稱之為‘骯臟的現(xiàn)實(shí)主義’。因?yàn)檎沁@種對(duì)屬于另一個(gè)時(shí)代的理想化自然的頑固的參照，允許我們對(duì)自然犯下迄今為止最嚴(yán)重的褻瀆”[25]。

在歐洲，那些與一個(gè)城市或城鎮(zhèn)緊鄰區(qū)域相關(guān)的被稱為“中間地帶”或“城郊”的未定義土地，則因城市而異。此外，它并不總是像1949 年由斯汀·埃拉·拉斯姆森領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的丹麥規(guī)劃實(shí)驗(yàn)室制定的哥本哈根《五指規(guī)劃》——或者同一時(shí)間康贊恩為德國和英國城市研制的邊緣帶理論那樣。無論歐洲有什么樣的法規(guī)或政策，越來越多的企業(yè)家都在翻新、改造、保護(hù)那些50 ～300 年前的舊農(nóng)舍和莊園，或者將它們擴(kuò)建和翻新成度假村和精品酒店。

因此，有一種有趣的增長趨勢——同時(shí)也是建筑師們增長的業(yè)務(wù)：設(shè)計(jì)由葡萄園環(huán)繞的各種葡萄酒廠。其中一個(gè)被設(shè)計(jì)為當(dāng)代建筑的葡萄酒廠是1998年在納帕谷建成的多明納斯葡萄酒廠。它由赫爾佐格與德梅隆設(shè)計(jì)，是采用數(shù)百個(gè)裝滿當(dāng)?shù)卮舐咽氖\建成的一座建筑和一個(gè)大地藝術(shù)項(xiàng)目。幾年后，著名建筑師弗蘭克·蓋里于2007 年在西班牙的里奧哈地區(qū)完成了一個(gè)項(xiàng)目：里斯卡爾侯爵酒莊酒店（圖9）。而美國當(dāng)代建筑師斯蒂文·霍爾于2005 年在奧地利的朗根洛伊斯建成了羅仙姆酒店。意大利最有趣的葡萄酒廠包括倫佐·皮亞諾設(shè)計(jì)的斯奈羅葡萄園（圖10），于2007 年建于托斯卡納區(qū)的馬雷瑪?shù)闹行牡貐^(qū)，其次是馬里奧·博塔于2003 年在利沃諾附近設(shè)計(jì)的佩特拉酒吧（圖11），阿奇亞工作室于2012 年在托斯卡納開設(shè)的安蒂諾里酒吧（圖12），以及阿爾維斯·基里莫托于2013 年在圣卡斯基諾代巴格尼開設(shè)的寶格麗酒吧（圖13）。

當(dāng)然，基于食品-文化之間的聯(lián)系，2015 年米蘭世博會(huì)對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)食品、美食和酒店業(yè)帶來的積極影響眾所周知，而且這些影響與一個(gè)真正的、活躍的、有競爭力的行業(yè)相一致。測試這些行業(yè)對(duì)當(dāng)代建筑的影響將會(huì)很有趣——在某種程度上它與鄉(xiāng)村生產(chǎn)有關(guān)，正如建筑歷史學(xué)家詹姆斯·阿克曼在其著作《別墅：鄉(xiāng)村住宅的形式和意識(shí)形態(tài)》（1985）中所論述的那樣，它證實(shí)了社會(huì)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和政治的變化影響了城鄉(xiāng)生活之間那種矛盾的、迷人的和共生的對(duì)話。阿克曼的這部著作將各種別墅描述為迄今可設(shè)想的最具吸引力的住宅類型之一：“農(nóng)舍傾向于采用簡單的結(jié)構(gòu)，并保存不需要設(shè)計(jì)師干預(yù)的各種古老形式。典型情況下，別墅是建筑師想象力的產(chǎn)物，并強(qiáng)調(diào)其現(xiàn)代性。自從古羅馬貴族們第一次修復(fù)這座別墅以來，別墅的基本規(guī)劃已經(jīng)保持了2000 多年未變。這讓別墅變得獨(dú)一無二，而其他的建筑類型——宮殿、宗教場所、工廠——在形式和目的上已經(jīng)發(fā)生了變化”[26]7-10。

但是阿克曼也含蓄地證實(shí)了簡·雅各布斯在《城市經(jīng)濟(jì)》一書中的論點(diǎn)，他斷言，“對(duì)別墅的理解離不開城市；它的存在不是為了履行自治職能，而是為了給城市價(jià)值觀和住宿條件提供一種平衡，其經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況就像一座衛(wèi)星城市的經(jīng)濟(jì)狀況……別墅既可以由城市商業(yè)和工業(yè)產(chǎn)生的貨幣盈余來建造和支持，或者在城市中心對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的超出自身所需的盈余的需求促進(jìn)下，由農(nóng)業(yè)維持的人員建造和支持”[26]7-10。

此外，在全球化世界的框架內(nèi)，釀酒廠的建筑主題事實(shí)上反映了阿克曼所探索的價(jià)值觀，他斷言：“在賴特和勒·柯布西耶的作品中，別墅與農(nóng)場或農(nóng)舍的區(qū)別，如同在西方建筑的所有歷史中一樣，是意識(shí)形態(tài)涵義的有計(jì)劃的應(yīng)用……鄉(xiāng)村，則由于它不可避免地與大自然的內(nèi)在力量和感官魅力相比較，給我們帶來各種富有啟發(fā)性的答案。”[26]□

Certainly, the positive effects of the post-Milan Expo 2015 on the agro-food and gourmet and hotel industries, based on the food-culture nexus, are well known and correspond to a real, active and competitive industry. It will be interesting to test the impact of these industries - somehow related to the rural production - on contemporary architecture, confirming the contradictory, fascinating and interdependent dialogue between urban and rural life affected by the social, economic and political changes as the architectural historian James Ackerman discusses in his remarkable book The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country Houses (1985) describing villas of all kinds as one of the most attractive types of dwelling ever conceived: "The farmhouse tends to be simple in structure and to conserve ancient forms that do not require the intervention of a designer. The villa is typically the product of an architect's imagination and asserts its modernity. The basic programme of the villa has remained unchanged for more than two thousand years since it was first fixed by the patricians of ancient Rome. This makes the villa unique: other architectural types - the palace, the place of worship, the factory - have changed in form and purpose […]"[26]7-10

But Ackerman, implicitly confirm also the Jane Jacobs's thesis in the book The Economy of Cities when he affirms that "The villa cannot be understood apart from the city; it exists not to fulfil autonomous functions but to provide a counterbalance to urban values and accommodations, and its economic situation is that of a satellite. […] The villa can be built and supported either by monetary surpluses generated by urban commerce and industry or, whom it is sustained by agriculture by the need of urban centres for the surplus it produces beyond its own requirements. […]"[26]7-10

Also, the Winery architectural theme, indeed, in the framework of a globalised world reflect the values explored by Ackeman when he affirms that "what differentiates the vrlla from a farm or a cottage, in the work of F.L. Wright and Le Corbusier as in all the history of Western architecture, is the programmatic application of ideological connotations […] the countryside, with its inevitable comparisons with immanent forces and the sensual charm of the nature, suggests inspired answers."[26]□

注釋/Notes

1）南方基金是意大利政府為刺激南部欠發(fā)達(dá)地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟(jì)增長和發(fā)展而作出的一項(xiàng)公共努力。它成立于1950年，主要目的是建設(shè)公共工程和基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施項(xiàng)目（道路、橋梁、水電和灌溉設(shè)施等），提供信貸補(bǔ)貼和稅收優(yōu)惠，以促進(jìn)投資。盡管它的工作是由連續(xù)的、較不集中的機(jī)構(gòu)維持的，但仍于1984年解散。它主要集中在農(nóng)村地區(qū)，許多人說它幫助意大利南部進(jìn)入了現(xiàn)代世界，盡管有證據(jù)表明一些資金由于財(cái)務(wù)管理不善而被揮霍掉。歷史學(xué)家丹尼斯·麥克·史密斯在1960年代指出，大約1/3的錢被浪費(fèi)了。一些鋼鐵廠等項(xiàng)目承諾但從未建成，許多灌溉項(xiàng)目和水壩也從未按計(jì)劃完工。/Cassa del Mezzogiorno was a public effort by the government of Italy to stimulate economic growth and development in the less developed Southern Italy (also called the "Mezzogiorno"). It was established in 1950 primarily to construct public works and infrastructure (roads, bridges, hydroelectric and irrigation) projects, and to provide credit subsidies and tax advantages to promote investments. It was dissolved in 1984, although its mandate was maintained by successive, less centralized institutions. It focused mostly on rural areas and many say that it helped Southern Italy to enter the modern world, although there is evidence that some of the funds were squandered due to poor financial management by local southern government. Historian Denis Mack Smith noted, in the 1960s, that about a third of the money was misspent. Steel mills and other projects were promised but never built, and many irrigation projects and dams were never completed as intended. (Wikipedia, March 2019)

2）另一重要貢獻(xiàn)來自國家電視臺(tái)，電視臺(tái)在1960年代通過電影解決了識(shí)字問題。 1960-1968年的一項(xiàng)非常成功的計(jì)劃是電視節(jié)目《永遠(yuǎn)為時(shí)不晚》。/Another important contribution to the cultural progress of the nation came from State television, which in the 1960s tackled the problem of literacy through films. A very successful initiative from 1960 to 1968 was the television programme It's never too late.

3）還可查閱/See also: http://www.sturzo.it.

4）Valtur是一家旅游娛樂私人公司，由Italconsult的總監(jiān)Raimondo Craveri于1964年成立，由FIAT，Alitalia，Aci，Sara Assicurazioni，Cit和Banque Lambert參與，1974年，意大利政府也通過Insud公司成為該集團(tuán)的投資者，1976年，Méditerranée俱樂部也加入了該集團(tuán)。 在隨后的幾十年中，Valtur聚集了眾多公共投資者。/Valtur a private company for tourism and entertainment (Valorizzazione Turistica) founded in 1964 by Raimondo Craveri, director of Italconsult with the financial participation of FIAT, Alitalia, Aci, Sara Assicurazioni, Cit and Banque Lambert. In 1974 also, the Italian Government entered as investor in the group through the company Insud and in 1976 also Club Méditerranée joined. During the following decades Valture gathered public and public investors.

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[2] BARBERA L, DEL MONACO A I. A Rural-Urban Metamorphosis in China: The Real Great Leap Forward. L'architettura delle città, The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni, (3-4-5), 2014.

[3] KOSTOF S. The Third Rome. 1970.

[4] CIUCCI G. Gli architetti e il fascismo. Architettura e città 1922-1944. Einaudi, 1989.

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[6] KALLIS A. The Third Rome, 1922-1943: The Making of the Fascist Capital. Palgrave Macmillan,2014.

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[9] SABATINO M. Pride in Modesty: Modernism Architecture and the Vermacular Tradition in Italy. University of Toronto Press, 2011.

[10] MANGONE F, BELLI G and TAMPIERI M G (eds.). Architettura e Paesaggi della villeggiatura in Italia tra Otto e Novecento. Ricerche Franco Angeli, 2015.

[11] CASSESE S. (ed.) Lezioni sul meridionalismo. Mulino 2016.

[12] SERENI E. Il capitalismo nelle campagne, 1860-1960. Einaudi, 1947.

[13] SERENI E. Storia del paesaggio italiano. Bari, Laterza, 1961.

[14] MUNTONI A. Newly founded Italian Cities of the Thirties. Theories and Technical achievements. L'architettura delle città, The Journal of the Scientific Society Ludovico Quaroni (9), 2016.

[15] BINI A C. Il piano territoriale come strumento della politica fascista del disurbanamento. Urbanistica, gennaiofebbraio, 1941: 3.

[16] ROOSEVELT F D. Message to the Cogress Suggesting the Tennessee Valley Authority. 10 aprile 1933.

[17] LOSASSO M. Quartiere Spine Bianche, Matera (1955-1959): note per una lettura critica. Working Paper, 2010.

[18] QUARONI L. La città fisica (The Physical city). Laterza, 1981.

[19] RUDOFSKY B. Architecture without Architects. John Wiley & Sons, 1964.

[20] Due insediamenti turistici nel Mezzogiorno. Albergovillaggio a Marina di Ostuni, Brindisi. L'Architettura. Cronache e storia(XVI)1970: 6-17.

[21] BARBERA L. The Radical City of Ludovico Quaroni. Gangemi, 2019.

[22] RENZONI C. Il Progetto'80, Un'idea di Paese nell'Italia degli ani Sessanta. Alinea Editrice, 2012.

[23] ROBERTS H. Young Italians shun the city for pull of the land. Financial Times, November 14th 2017. https://www.ft.com/content/baf8c494-72e2-11e7-93ff-99f383b09ff9.

[24] KOOLHAAS R. Rem Koolhaas: countryside architecture. Icon 2014. http://www.iconeye.com/architecture/features/item/11031-rem-koolhaas-in-the-country.

[25] URSPRUNG P. Nature and Architecture, in Natural Methaphor. An Anthology of Essays on Architecture and Nature, Actar ETH, 2007: 31.

[26] ACKERMAN J. The Villa: Form and Ideology of Country Houses. Princeton University Press, 1985.