（重新）塑造景觀：中國的人類干預(yù)景觀遺產(chǎn)

作者：約翰尼斯·穆勒

翻譯：張閣、陳航

校對：張晉石

Text: Johannes Müller

Translator: ZHANG　Ge and CHEN Hang

Proofreading: ZHANG Jin-shi

（重新）塑造景觀：中國的人類干預(yù)景觀遺產(chǎn)

作者：約翰尼斯·穆勒

翻譯：張閣、陳航

校對：張晉石

Text: Johannes Müller

Translator: ZHANGGe and CHEN Hang

Proofreading: ZHANG Jin-shi

景觀作為一個(gè)整體代表了地球表面的一部分，包括導(dǎo)致其典型形態(tài)的所有影響因子和相互關(guān)聯(lián)性。換句話說，景觀可以被視為一個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)。自然景觀被人類干預(yù)（通常是農(nóng)民和農(nóng)業(yè)）到一定程度，即成為文化景觀，生態(tài)系統(tǒng)演變?yōu)檗r(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，人在這個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)中是主要的生態(tài)因子。

我們今天所看到的文化景觀，尤其在中國，是9 000年甚至更長的歷史長河中，在自然和人類相互的影響之下逐步地改變、影響或適應(yīng)特定的生態(tài)因子后形成的。由此產(chǎn)生的文化景觀反映出人與自然在悠久歷史中的相互關(guān)系。由于農(nóng)業(yè)必須有定居點(diǎn)的存在，因此典型的文化景觀包括土地利用系統(tǒng)以及村莊和建筑。

更重要的是，一種長期穩(wěn)定的文化景觀是可持續(xù)土地利用的結(jié)果，代表了一種內(nèi)在的審美價(jià)值。經(jīng)由人類活動導(dǎo)致的自然景觀向文化景觀的轉(zhuǎn)變不應(yīng)被看作是對自然或自然景觀的破壞，而應(yīng)被理解為對景觀的（重新）塑造。

取決于是否適合農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展，文化景觀在21世紀(jì)面臨的發(fā)展趨勢包括集約化或徹底遺棄。風(fēng)景園林的任務(wù)即在這兩種極端情形之間找到平衡點(diǎn)，提出發(fā)展理念，同時(shí)考慮文化景觀的歷史的和美學(xué)的價(jià)值。

文化景觀；風(fēng)景園林；景觀歷史；土地利用系統(tǒng)

The cultural landscape as we see it today, especially in the case of China, is the outcome of a history of 9000 or more years of interdependencies between nature and man, step by step changing, influencing or adapting to certain eco-factors. The resulting cultural landscape therefore reflects the long history of a mutual relationship between man and nature. As farming is not possible without settlements, characterizing the cultural landscape includes land use systems as well as villages and buildings.

On top of that, on a long term stable cultural landscapes, being the result of sustainable land use systems, represent an intrinsic aesthetical value. The transformation of a natural into a cultural landscape by human activity should not be seen as the destruction of nature or the natural landscape, but should be understood as (re-) shaping of the landscape.

Possible developments of the cultural landscape in the 21st century include either the intensification of land use or its complete abandonment depending on the suitability for agriculture. It’s the task of landscape architecture to develop concepts on a scale between those two extremes including the historical and the aesthetical values of the cultural landscape.

陳航/1993年生/女/北京林業(yè)大學(xué)碩士研究生（北京100083）

Translator:

ZHANG Ge, who was born in 1993, is the Master of Landscape Architecture student in Beijing Forestry

CHEN Hang, who was born in 1993, is the Master of Landscape Architecture student in Beijing Forestry University.

校對：

張晉石/1979年生/男/北京林業(yè)大學(xué)園林學(xué)院副教授（北京 100083）

Proofreading:

ZHANG Jin-shi, who was born in 1979, is an associate professor in School of Landscape Architecture, Beijing Forestry University (Beijing 100083)

1　引言：文化景觀和農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)

在地理學(xué)中，我們將景觀看作是地球表面的一處特定部分，是一定范圍內(nèi)具有明確特征、由不同元素（地貌、植被、大氣等）構(gòu)成的綜合系統(tǒng)。這并不意味著它是一張靜態(tài)的風(fēng)景照片。我們實(shí)際上感興趣的是這張照片背后的生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，以及其組成部分、組成部分之間的相互影響、功能及相關(guān)性。在此意義上，每種景觀都可以被定義為一個(gè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，是其組成部分之間相互作用的結(jié)果。其中主要的生態(tài)因子，如地質(zhì)、水文、土壤和植被，由眾多物理、生物和化學(xué)過程相互聯(lián)系起來。從這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)看，每個(gè)景觀都是生態(tài)系統(tǒng)與其特定生態(tài)因子和生態(tài)過程的空間表達(dá)。

自然生態(tài)系統(tǒng)是一個(gè)動態(tài)的系統(tǒng)。這意味著在一定程度上它可以發(fā)生改變，并且能夠動態(tài)地回應(yīng)其生態(tài)因子的變化。調(diào)整期結(jié)束后，生態(tài)系統(tǒng)有可能達(dá)到一種不同的生態(tài)因子平衡狀態(tài)。比如，冰河時(shí)代結(jié)束之后，由于氣候變暖造成的森林?jǐn)U張就是這種動態(tài)變化的一個(gè)案例。然而，在現(xiàn)在的自然條件下，森林是存在于一處特定的景觀之中的，它會在被火災(zāi)摧毀之后再生，這是由于生態(tài)因子是保持不變的，生態(tài)系統(tǒng)一直是穩(wěn)定的。

大約在公元前9000年的新石器革命時(shí)期，農(nóng)業(yè)和定居點(diǎn)興起，標(biāo)志著由于人類的農(nóng)業(yè)實(shí)踐干預(yù)使景觀發(fā)生了根本的改變。首先，農(nóng)民必須清理掉自然植被改種經(jīng)濟(jì)作物，后來他們掌握更多的方法，如出于澆灌作物的目的必須要控制水文系統(tǒng)。土壤侵蝕和表層土中養(yǎng)分減少之類的影響在很長一段時(shí)間之后才能在景觀中顯現(xiàn)出來。由于人類對景觀的影響如此重要，地理學(xué)對兩種景觀類型進(jìn)行了區(qū)分：自然景觀和文化景觀（里特1852, S. 156），后者在很大程度上由人類活動主導(dǎo)（圖1）。

經(jīng)過幾千年的農(nóng)業(yè)發(fā)展，人類成為又一個(gè)生態(tài)因子，對景觀產(chǎn)生了多方面的影響。這不僅包括人類造成的直接影響，如替換自然植被；也包括間接影響，如放牧或土壤中養(yǎng)分的減少。農(nóng)民已經(jīng)掌握需要進(jìn)行何種頻率和強(qiáng)度的干預(yù)才能以期望的方式改變這個(gè)系統(tǒng)，包括每月重復(fù)除草以阻止雜草蔓延和創(chuàng)造出奇異復(fù)雜的梯田以降低坡度。

人類改造自然的影響是如此強(qiáng)大，因此我們不能再僅僅談?wù)撋鷳B(tài)系統(tǒng)。文化景觀應(yīng)被理解為人作為主要生態(tài)因子控制的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)。由于在這樣一個(gè)系統(tǒng)中人類試圖超越主要生態(tài)過程取得的控制權(quán)，農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)不再是自然的動態(tài)演變。

2　生態(tài)過程的控制

2 梯田的形狀完全契合黃土高原旱田區(qū)景觀的等高線位置。這種方法大大降低了傾斜角，將更容易耕種和控制水土流失。其結(jié)果是形成一種由人類正面改造成的專門定制出的文化景觀。（甘肅大嶺）Terraces following exactly the contour lines of the landscape in the dry field zone of the loess plateau. Aimed at making tilling easier and controlling soil erosion, this method greatly reduces the slope angle. The result is a tailor-made cultural landscape actively altered by man. (Daling/Gansu)

農(nóng)民一般只從經(jīng)濟(jì)角度來考慮問題，他們的目的是豐收和高產(chǎn)。為此，他們對景觀進(jìn)行干預(yù)是非常必要的。文化景觀僅僅是這個(gè)態(tài)度的結(jié)果。它不是一種純粹的人工景觀（如城市景觀），而是保留了大量的自然元素。一個(gè)農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)仍然反映了自然的以及人類的影響。

不談區(qū)域差異，幾乎整個(gè)中國的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)都有一個(gè)共同點(diǎn)，即勞動密集型，但正是由于這個(gè)原因，生態(tài)過程受到了嚴(yán)格的控制。為了理解文化景觀，我們必須研究相關(guān)生態(tài)因子、控制機(jī)制以及對農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的影響。在生態(tài)系統(tǒng)中，農(nóng)民最需要控制是土壤侵蝕、地貌、灌溉和養(yǎng)分。

3　土壤侵蝕的控制

3 在谷底精耕細(xì)作的水稻田和菜地以及山坡上的灌木叢，這些灌木只可作木柴。這種對立是中國南方大部分文化景觀的特色。這是對給定的生態(tài)因素和地形的一種適應(yīng)表現(xiàn)，可被看作是對生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的一種較被動的干預(yù)形式。（江西大坑）Intensively cultivated valley floor with wet rice and vegetable fields and hill slopes with bushes, used only for firewood. This Antagonism is characteristic for most cultural landscapes of southern China. An adaptation to the given eco-factor, the relief, it can be seen as a more passive form of interference with the ecosystem. (Dakong/ Jiangxi)

隨著土地利用的興起，土壤侵蝕問題隨之而來。因?yàn)檗r(nóng)作物不像自然植被，在它們開始種植之前和收獲之后，土地是長期裸露的。黃土高原是中華文明的搖籃，黃土是黃土高原土壤的基礎(chǔ)，特別容易受到侵蝕。最好的解決辦法是修建梯田，這一技術(shù)隨著時(shí)間的推移不斷提升，使整個(gè)景觀發(fā)生了積極的轉(zhuǎn)變。中國向南擴(kuò)張時(shí)，由于南方的氣候適合種植水稻，梯田則與灌溉結(jié)合起來。南方是多丘陵的地形地貌，但即使是在非常陡峭的山坡，依然可以通過修建梯田的方式來進(jìn)行耕作。人工勞作使得緊貼斜坡形態(tài)的極窄梯田成為可能，形成量身定制的景觀（圖2）。

4　地貌的控制

4 一處喀斯特地貌的盆地，起初認(rèn)為此處不可能栽種水稻。這個(gè)地方的特點(diǎn)是其地下全是可滲透水，是一個(gè)沒有地面排水和地下河流的空心殼子。需要極其復(fù)雜成熟的生態(tài)系統(tǒng)干預(yù)措施，才能建立出這樣一種文化景觀：除了用粘土（粘土層不能被耕作破壞）對土地進(jìn)行防滲處理，改善陡峭山坡上的梯田之外，還需要從遙遠(yuǎn)的水源地重新輸送灌溉用水，并利用底部的排水口來排掉多余的水。（湖南吉信）Apolje of a karst landscape, at first thought an impossible location for wet rice cultivation. It is characterized by a permeable underground, a hollow mould without surface drainage and subterrane rivers. Extremely sophisticated interventions into the ecosystem were necessary to build up such a cultural landscape:apart from the adjustment of terracing the steep slopes, this meant the sealing of the fields with clay (this layer must not be damaged by tilling), rechanneling irrigation water from distant sources and making use of the sinkhole at the bottom for the drainage of the surplus water. (Jixin/Hunan)

地貌的控制是一種更加被動的干預(yù)形式，是對特定生態(tài)因子的適應(yīng)性改造而非主動改造。地貌對文化景觀肌理的影響非常顯著，中國南方的典型特征是精耕細(xì)作的盆地或河谷以及廣泛利用的山坡和林下地帶。在地方層面，對文化景觀中的定居歷史進(jìn)行比較是非常有趣的。漢族農(nóng)民專門在盆地和河谷種植水稻，而大多數(shù)少數(shù)民族居住在山區(qū)，種植多種不同的植物（圖3）。

5　灌溉的控制

5 梯田景觀通常用于栽種水稻。在文化景觀中可以明確看到養(yǎng)分的控制：在冬季，旱地中的大多數(shù)田地都種植了第三種作物：芥菜和三葉草，這些都是菌根植物，明確是作為一種綠肥而種植的。種植它們不會有產(chǎn)量，但能夠?yàn)橥寥涝黾羽B(yǎng)分含量。（湖南回龍）Landscape with terraces normally used for wet rice cultivation. Nutrient control is actually visible in the cultural landscape:in wintertime, most fields are planted in dry cultivation for a third crop,Chinese mustard and clover, which are mycorrhiza plants, grown specifically as a green manure. They are not harvested, but ploughed into the soil to increase the nutrient content. (Huilong/Hunan)

水稻在所有農(nóng)作物中單位產(chǎn)量最高，由于其生長過程中需要不同的水深，這顯然需要精確的灌溉控制。農(nóng)民研發(fā)出不同水位的控制技術(shù)，結(jié)合灌溉和排水，形成了不同的景觀。沿等高線的水渠是灌溉控制中最引人注目的形式，至少在改變文化景觀這一方面來說是這樣的。這種技術(shù)非常復(fù)雜，需要控制幾乎整個(gè)水文系統(tǒng)，所以在建造過程中需要大量的勞力且操作時(shí)需要成熟的知識。而相比較而言不是那么壯觀的河水灌溉系統(tǒng)是中國南方大多數(shù)流域和盆地中最普遍的形式。另一方面，灌溉被廣泛地應(yīng)用在其它谷物和蔬菜種植的旱田中，如中國北方的低地平原地區(qū)，當(dāng)然也應(yīng)用在沙漠綠洲中（圖4）。

6　養(yǎng)分控制

6 一個(gè)緊湊的村莊平面，只有很窄的街巷，這是因?yàn)闆]有大型動物（沒有綜合的畜牧業(yè)）和動物拉的車。由于很少有谷倉或馬廄，造就了一種大體上統(tǒng)一的村莊外觀，主要僅包括農(nóng)舍。在這種情況下，建造和建筑材料主要是木承重系統(tǒng)與土坯磚墻的結(jié)合。（云南保山）Compact ground plan of a village with only very small lanes, due to the missing of large animals (no integration of animal husbandry) and animal-drawn carts. With few barns or stables a generally uniform appearance of thevillage, consisting largely only of farmhouses, is the result. Construction and building material in this case consists of a combination of a wooden load bearing system with adobe brick walls. (Baoshan/Yunnan)

由于收獲是源自于生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，如果土壤養(yǎng)分得不到更替，土壤會快速惡化，這使得施肥成為土地連續(xù)利用的先決條件。盡管中國常見的土壤具有多樣性（南方的強(qiáng)淋溶土、北方的栗鈣土和沖積土），但它們通常都缺乏養(yǎng)分，因此有效控制養(yǎng)分是必需的。人類排泄物和糞肥總是供不應(yīng)求，而直到上個(gè)世紀(jì)化肥才能夠被使用。一種能夠解決養(yǎng)分不足問題的措施是施用綠肥。三葉草、大豆和芥菜，相比其他植物它們具有菌根，能夠從空氣中提取氮，并將其存儲在根系中。特別是在冬天這些植物生長只是為了固氮，而其花朵影響著很多文化景觀。

綠肥是一個(gè)表明如何控制養(yǎng)分循環(huán)的重要例子。據(jù)史料記載，該方法早在4 000多年前就已經(jīng)在中國出現(xiàn)。從中可看出文化景觀的歷史價(jià)值，這僅僅是其中一個(gè)例子（布雷，1986）（圖5） 。

7　文化景觀的歷史價(jià)值

7 村莊坐落在農(nóng)田的中央，為了盡可能靠近勞動密集型的稻田。另一方面，寶貴的農(nóng)田要盡量減少浪費(fèi)，因此使平面布局更加緊湊。有核心的村莊是中國文化景觀的常態(tài)。（云南云峰山）Village location in the middle of the fields, in order to stay as close to the labour-intensivepaddies as possible. On the other hand as little of the precious land as possible should be wasted and therefore a compact ground planis the result. Nucleated villages arethe norm for the Chinese cultural landscape.(Yunfengshan/Yunnan)

幾乎在世界任何地方，都不會有人質(zhì)疑歷史建筑的價(jià)值（如長城或故宮）。然而，隨著歷史演變的景觀卻是另一種情形。中國擁有最悠久的農(nóng)業(yè)土地利用歷史，由此產(chǎn)生了世界上最悠久的文化景觀。大約在公元前9000年，新石器革命在地球上兩個(gè)地區(qū)同時(shí)發(fā)生：美索不達(dá)米亞平原和中國北方，那里龍山文化和仰韶文化日益繁榮。這兩個(gè)地區(qū)的根本不同在于，中國是在同一個(gè)地區(qū)擁有超過9 000年的連續(xù)不斷的發(fā)展，而沒有出現(xiàn)過像中東和歐洲那樣的文化中斷甚至徹底消亡。

在中國，有兩個(gè)因素對文化景觀的形成和演變至關(guān)重要：土地短缺和農(nóng)業(yè)土地利用的穩(wěn)定性。與中國相比，歐洲的情況則非常有趣，土地利用走了完全不同的方向。在歐洲，幾個(gè)世紀(jì)以來，隨著畜牧業(yè)和農(nóng)業(yè)耕地的整合、機(jī)械化以及在20世紀(jì)農(nóng)業(yè)單元規(guī)模的擴(kuò)大，產(chǎn)量不斷增加。中國恰恰相反，生產(chǎn)效率的提高不是靠資金投入或增加新的農(nóng)地面積，而是靠增加勞動力提高農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)出?？沙掷m(xù)和高效的土地利用系統(tǒng)是基于小塊土地、精耕細(xì)作、良好的組織和農(nóng)業(yè)創(chuàng)新發(fā)展起來的。對于文化景觀的特征而言，勞動強(qiáng)度及其實(shí)質(zhì)比社會結(jié)構(gòu)更重要。例如，無論是否存在大尺度的土地產(chǎn)權(quán)或集體所有權(quán)，小塊土地始終能夠保持正常狀態(tài)。一個(gè)非常杰出的早期案例是2 200多年前在四川都江堰修建的大型灌溉工程，它結(jié)合了勞力、組織和創(chuàng)新以提升生產(chǎn)效率。中國發(fā)展出來的各種各樣的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)，其特點(diǎn)是十分巧妙的利用了一些往往是不利因素的自然條件。

單純從農(nóng)業(yè)角度來看待文化景觀并不充分。由于農(nóng)作物需要照料而不能不管，因此農(nóng)業(yè)不能沒有定居點(diǎn)。此外，文化景觀的發(fā)展是一個(gè)長期的過程，需要人類的反復(fù)干預(yù)，不定居是難以想象的。出于此原因，任何對文化景觀的描述中如果沒有提到其與定居點(diǎn)結(jié)構(gòu)之間的相關(guān)性，那么它就不完整。

8　村莊的外觀

8 高度多樣化的建筑材料，與外觀以及建設(shè)原則相一致。在原有黃土的地方建造窯洞，土坯磚的單層房屋，由石灰石建造的一層半的房子（包括屋頂?shù)氖逡彩鞘規(guī)r），半木結(jié)構(gòu)的三層木房屋。鄉(xiāng)村建筑與城市建筑形成了鮮明對比，鄉(xiāng)村建筑存在明顯的區(qū)域分化。（甘肅驛馬，江西鳳崗，貴州黃果樹，貴州肇興）Highly diverse building materials corresponding with appearance as well as construction principles. Insitu loess with cave dwellings, single storey house of adobe bricks, one-and-half storey house made of limestone(including the stone slabs on the roof), halftimbered wooden houses with three storeys. In sharp contrast to urban architecture, there is a clear regional differentiation of the rural architecture. (Yima/Gansu, Fenggang/Jiangxi, Huangguoshu/ Guizhou, Zhaoxing/ Guizhou)

首先，鄉(xiāng)村建筑反映了土地利用和其工作流程的必要性。與世界其他地區(qū)相比，中國的村莊平面布局非常緊湊，只有一些小巷子。因?yàn)榛旧蠜]有牛和馬（水牛大多呆在田地里），也沒有?；蝰R拉的車，寬闊的道路并沒有用處。出于同樣的原因，馬廄也沒有必要。另外，由于主要是在田地里處理作物，因此也沒有谷倉，這就形成了一種統(tǒng)一的村莊外觀，基本上都是農(nóng)舍（圖6）。

9　村莊的選址

9 在陡峭的分級地形中的文化景觀和干旱的自然植被，乍一看是不太適宜的土地利用方式。為了發(fā)展農(nóng)業(yè)，農(nóng)民不得不改變所有事物：起伏的地形已經(jīng)成梯田，正好適應(yīng)了地貌。沿著等高線的水渠提供的灌溉，從遙遠(yuǎn)的水源地帶來了水。與原來的自然相比，植被更加茂盛，并且有更多的棲息地和物種。村莊和農(nóng)田與自然條件相適應(yīng)并位于滑坡可能性較小的地方。依據(jù)生態(tài)可能性，以干濕農(nóng)田結(jié)合的方式進(jìn)行土地利用。將改變某些生態(tài)因素與適應(yīng)其他因素相結(jié)合，便形成了一個(gè)整體（重新）塑造的文化景觀。(云南保山)Cultural landscape in a steeply graded terrain with scarce, dry natural vegetation, at first sight quite inappropriate for land use. In order to practice agriculture almost everything had to be changed by the farmers: Therelief has been altered by terraces, exactly adapted to the landforms, irrigation is provided by contour canals, bringing the water from distant sources, the vegetation is much more prosperous with more habitats and species than naturally, villages and fields are adapted to natural conditions and are located where landslides are less likely, land use is a combination of dry and wet fields according to the ecological possibilities. A combination of changing certain eco-factors and adaptating to others, leading to a completely (re-) shaped cultural landscape (Baoshan/Yunnan)

村莊的選址、方向和整合也顯示了與景觀之間的許多聯(lián)系。高勞動強(qiáng)度使村莊必須盡可能靠近農(nóng)田，所以村莊往往位于田地的中央。又因?yàn)橐M可能減少對寶貴農(nóng)田資源的浪費(fèi)，就進(jìn)一步促成了非常緊湊的村莊平面布局。在中國北方，為了冬天能曬到太陽，大多數(shù)村莊的建筑是朝南的。村莊中大部分建筑物很少有谷倉和馬廄，增強(qiáng)了外觀的統(tǒng)一性。出于這些原因，結(jié)構(gòu)緊湊、有核心的村莊成為了中國文化景觀的范式（圖7）。

10　建筑材料

10 人口稠密、精耕細(xì)作的景觀，以及對人類和生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的關(guān)系的一種復(fù)雜安排。農(nóng)田形式與地形以及必要的灌溉相關(guān)，這個(gè)村莊融入進(jìn)了文化景觀，使能夠進(jìn)行復(fù)雜的工作流程。盡管在人造特征和定居點(diǎn)的干預(yù)下，生態(tài)系統(tǒng)幾乎已經(jīng)發(fā)生了完全改變，但這并不是破壞，這意味著它是長期可持續(xù)的，一個(gè)穩(wěn)定的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)已經(jīng)取而代之。（安徽九華街）Densely populated, intensively used landscape with a complex arrangement of relationships between man and ecosystem. Field forms are related to the relief as well as the necessities of irrigation, the village is integrated into the cultural landscape to enable a complex workflow.Despite the almost complete change of the ecosystem with the integration of manmade features and settlements, it is not destructed, that means it is sustainable on the long term, and a stable agroecosystem has replaced it. (Jiuhuajie/Anhui)

至今，鄉(xiāng)村建筑都與本地可利用的建造材料密切相關(guān)，且這些材料還可以決定建造方式。很明顯，整個(gè)中國的鄉(xiāng)村建筑風(fēng)格是可以進(jìn)行區(qū)域劃分的。比如，黃土高原的黃土窯洞，東部用土坯磚建造的單層房屋，西南地區(qū)常見的半木結(jié)構(gòu)的木建筑，一些石材產(chǎn)地用石頭建造的房子。從黃土窯洞到單層土坯房，建造材料不僅決定了外觀，也決定了建筑構(gòu)造。在有木材或石頭的地區(qū)，就能夠建造出大型多層的住宅。如果屋頂用石板，由于石頭的重量，就必須作出一些具體的調(diào)整，如降低屋面角。

所有這些因素共同導(dǎo)致了鄉(xiāng)村建筑具有明顯的區(qū)域差異。鄉(xiāng)村建筑確實(shí)存在大量不同的風(fēng)格，這些風(fēng)格可以明確的歸因于特定的景觀及其生態(tài)條件和農(nóng)業(yè)條件。這與城市、皇家和宗教建筑形成了鮮明的對比，后者在全國范圍內(nèi)表現(xiàn)出一種更加統(tǒng)一的風(fēng)格（圖8）。

11　文化景觀的美學(xué)價(jià)值

11 這并不是藝術(shù)家的繪畫，而是一處文化景觀真實(shí)的結(jié)構(gòu)和色彩，由人類（重新）塑造。它不能被誤解為“藝術(shù)”，藝術(shù)是故意的創(chuàng)造，而應(yīng)被視為正向干預(yù)、回應(yīng)不利條件、無意的改變的結(jié)果，或者是人類干預(yù)的長期結(jié)果。只有將這些加以結(jié)合，才成為可見的我們所說的“文化景觀”。（甘肅岷縣）Not an artist’s painting, but the real structures and coloursof a cultural landscape, (re-) shaped by man. This is not to be misunderstood as “art”, as a deliberate creation, but as the result of active interventions, of responses or re-actions to adverse conditions, of often unintentional modifications, or of long-term consequences of human interferences. Only in combination, they all are visible as what we call the“cultural landscape”.(Minxian/Gansu)

在許多情況中，人類的干預(yù)使生態(tài)系統(tǒng)崩潰，導(dǎo)致了景觀的破壞。農(nóng)作物取代自然植被，過度開采引發(fā)表層土壤養(yǎng)分減少，侵蝕又使有價(jià)值的表層土流失，不恰當(dāng)?shù)墓喔裙芾韺?dǎo)致了鹽堿化。從這個(gè)角度來看，你可以將新石器革命稱為人類破壞大自然的開端，不過這種看法非常片面。相反，關(guān)鍵問題是人類是否已經(jīng)學(xué)會適應(yīng)特定的生態(tài)因子，以及在不破壞整體生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的前提下改變其他因子。換句話說，長期來看，農(nóng)民對景觀的干預(yù)是否是可持續(xù)的（圖9）。

中國在這個(gè)問題上是一個(gè)很好的榜樣，因?yàn)槠湮幕坝^已經(jīng)不間斷的發(fā)展了9 000多年。這種持久性只能通過避免過度利用景觀來實(shí)現(xiàn)。如果自然生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的改變沒有達(dá)到毀滅的程度，也就是說，如果人類的干預(yù)在很長一段時(shí)期來說都是可持續(xù)的，這將能夠發(fā)展成為穩(wěn)定的農(nóng)業(yè)生態(tài)系統(tǒng)。

這種文化成就是文化景觀的內(nèi)在審美價(jià)值。因此，由人類活動引起的自然景觀向文化景觀的轉(zhuǎn)變應(yīng)被理解為景觀的（重新）塑造（圖10）。

我們看到的文化景觀的設(shè)計(jì)、整理和圖像，取決于每個(gè)地區(qū)土地利用對相關(guān)生態(tài)因子的適應(yīng)，至少迄今為止是如此。隨后生態(tài)因子和從事農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)的人之間的相互作用（重新）塑造了文化景觀。這個(gè)過程不會被誤認(rèn)為是“藝術(shù)”，“藝術(shù)”意味著刻意創(chuàng)造新的事物，是一個(gè)誕生于人類頭腦中的想法（比如花園或公園）。一般情況下，農(nóng)民的行為和他們對生態(tài)系統(tǒng)的干預(yù)旨在實(shí)現(xiàn)農(nóng)業(yè)產(chǎn)量的最大化。他們只是通過合理的努力來應(yīng)對那些可以改變的不利條件，以達(dá)到優(yōu)化土地利用的目的。景觀的許多改變是在無意識中發(fā)生的，或是一種長期的結(jié)果，開始時(shí)并沒有此目的。只有將所有這些干預(yù)結(jié)合起來，才成為我們可見的、所謂的“文化景觀”（圖11）。

12　文化景觀保護(hù)的威脅和理念

我們必須考慮到文化景觀是一直處于不斷變化和發(fā)展的過程中的。毫無疑問，21世紀(jì)的巨大變化會沖擊中國的文化景觀，這對景觀規(guī)劃提出了巨大挑戰(zhàn)。風(fēng)景園林師必須站在兩條線上作戰(zhàn)。國內(nèi)，有來自公眾反對農(nóng)業(yè)補(bǔ)貼的壓力和來自農(nóng)民的經(jīng)濟(jì)工作環(huán)境的壓力。國際上，大多數(shù)條約（如世界貿(mào)易組織）認(rèn)為農(nóng)業(yè)屬于正常的經(jīng)濟(jì)一部分。這兩種態(tài)度都蔑視農(nóng)業(yè)對文化景觀的主導(dǎo)影響。

未來發(fā)展可能會出現(xiàn)兩種趨勢，且極有可能同時(shí)出現(xiàn)。一種是由于勞動力減少同時(shí)又要求產(chǎn)量增加而造成的機(jī)械化和對土地利用的進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)化。這種趨勢會在更適合土地利用的地區(qū)出現(xiàn)。另一種與此相反，低產(chǎn)量或農(nóng)業(yè)耕作比較困難或過于偏遠(yuǎn)的地區(qū)將被忽視，這些地區(qū)會受到土地利用終止的威脅，直到被最終遺棄。這兩種發(fā)展趨勢在地方層面的某一微尺度區(qū)域和整個(gè)國家層面上都有可能會出現(xiàn)。

一般來說，農(nóng)業(yè)和文化景觀中的可見影響總是有些滯后于整體社會的發(fā)展。即使是歐洲，也仍處于文化景觀變化的過程中，中國現(xiàn)在只是剛剛開始。雙方未來可能的發(fā)展前景——集約化或者遺棄——都會導(dǎo)致發(fā)展了若干個(gè)世紀(jì)的文化景觀的消失。這種消失的后果是顯而易見的，從生態(tài)問題的增加到生物多樣性的喪失。從本文的討論來看，歷史和美學(xué)價(jià)值也將會丟失。

在這兩個(gè)極端情形之間找到平衡提出文化景觀的發(fā)展理念，是景觀規(guī)劃和風(fēng)景園林的任務(wù)。文化景觀從來不是靜態(tài)的或不變的結(jié)構(gòu)，它們一直都處于適應(yīng)不斷變化條件的持續(xù)過程中。找到一種能將遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)、現(xiàn)代化使用和生態(tài)穩(wěn)定結(jié)合起來的方法至關(guān)重要。在這種情況下，風(fēng)景園林必須不僅僅考慮到經(jīng)濟(jì)、社會和生態(tài)方面，同樣還要考慮到文化景觀所呈現(xiàn)的歷史的甚至是美學(xué)的價(jià)值。換句話說，我們必須讓公眾清楚了解到文化景觀是我們文化遺產(chǎn)的一部分。

1　Introduction: Cultural landscape and agro-ecosystem

In Geography we are trying to look at the landscape as a specific part of the earth, defined by specific characteristics, an integrated system made up of different components (landforms, vegetation, atmosphere etc.), at a certain location. This doesn’t mean a static picture of the landscape. We are in fact interested in the system behind the picture, its components, their mutual influences, the functions and interdependencies. In this sense, every landscape can be defined as an ecosystem, as the result of the interactions between its components. Primary eco-factors like geology, hydrology, soils and vegetation are interrelated by a multitude of physical, biological and chemical processes. From this point of view, each landscape is the spatial representation of an ecosystem with its specific eco-factors and ecological processes.

Natural ecosystems are dynamic systems. This means ecosystems can, to a certain extent, be altered and are able to response dynamically to changes of their eco-factors. At the end of a time of adjustments it is possible that the ecosystem reaches a different equilibrium of its eco-factors. An example for such a dynamic change is the expansion of forests after the ice age due to general warming. However, if now, under natural conditions, the forest exists in a specific landscape, it would regenerate after being destroyed by a fire, because the eco-factors remained unchanged and the ecosystem is stable.

The beginning of agriculture and settlements, the so-called Neolithic Revolution about 9000 B.P., marks a fundamental change of the landscape due to the interference of man practicing agriculture. In the first place farmers had to clear the natural vegetation and replace it with economic plants. Later they learnt, for example, to irrigate their plants, for which purpose they had to control the hydrological system. Many effects only become relevant and visible in the landscape after a long period like the increase of soil erosion or the reduction of nutrients in the top soil. Because the influences of man on the landscape are so fundamental, geography distinguishes between two types of landscape: natural landscape and cultural landscape (RITTER 1852, S. 156), the latter dominated to a large extent by human activity(Fig. 1).

After many thousand years of doing agriculture, the influences of man on the landscape are manifold and man has become an additional eco-factor. This includes not only the effects induced directly by man like the replacement of the natural vegetation, but also indirect impacts like the grazing of livestock or the reduction of nutrients in the soil. The farmers have realized how often andhow intensive interventions have to be, in order to change the system in the desired way. This ranges from repeated weeding every month preventing other plants from overgrowing the crops to the singular but complex terracing of the hillsides in order to reduce the gradient.

The impact by man is so strong that consequently we can no longer speak of an ecosystem. The cultural landscape must be understood as an agro-ecosystem controlled by man as a major eco-factor. Agro-ecosystems are no longer naturally dynamic, because in such a system man tries to get control over major ecological processes.

2　Control of ecological processes

Farmers are basically thinking economically, aiming at good harvests and high yields. Their interferences into the landscape are just as strong as necessary to achieve this purpose. The cultural landscape is only the result of this attitude. It is not a purely artificial landscape (like an urban landscape would be), but retains a significant amount of natural components. An agro-ecosystem still reflects natural as well as human impacts.

Beyond all their regional differences the agro-ecosystems almost throughout China have in common a foundation on the exact, but for that very reason so labor-intensive, control of the ecological processes. In order to understand the cultural landscape, it is necessary to examine the relevant eco-factors, the mechanisms to control them, and the consequences for the agroecosystem. The most important sectors of the ecosystem which needed to be placed under control of the farmers are soil erosion, landforms, irrigation and nutrients.

3　Control of soil erosion

With the very beginning of land use, soil erosion starts because agricultural plants, unlike natural vegetation, leave the soil bare and exposed to the elements for long periods when they are beginning to grow and after they were harvested. Loess is the basis for the soils on the loess plateau, the cradle of Chinese civilization, and it is especially vulnerable to erosion. The appropriate answer is terracing, a technique that was continually enhanced over time and with which the whole landscape is actively altered. When China expanded southwards, terracing was combined with irrigation, where the climate is suitable for rice cultivation. The terrain, however, is hilly almost everywhere, but even extremely steep mountainsides could be cultivated by way of the construction of terraces. Manual labor permits the designing of extremely narrow terraces closely following the shape of the slopes, resulting in a tailor-made landscape (Fig.2).

4　Control of landforms

The controlling of landforms is a more passive form of intervention, an adaptation to the given eco-factor rather than actively changing it. The influence of landforms on the patterns of the cultural landscape is particularly striking in the marked antagonism of intensively cultivated basins or valley floors and the hill slopes, which are often only extensively used or under forest, a characteristic feature of southern China. On a provincial level it is interesting to compare the settlement history with the different cultural landscapes. Specialized in wet rice cultivation, Han-Chinese farmers stuck to basins and valleys, whereas most minorities live in mountainous areas where they grow a number of different plants (Fig.3) .

5　Control of irrigation

The cultivation of wet rice, which has the highest yield per hectare of all agricultural crops, obviously requires the precise control of irrigation as it needs different levels of water during its growth. Very different techniques for controlling the water level had to be developed for different landscapes, integrating irrigation and drainage. Contour canals are the most striking form of controlling irrigation, at least in respect of changing the cultural landscape. This technique has to be extremely elaborate, involving a lot of labor during construction as well as sophisticated knowledge during operation because practically the whole hydrological system has to be brought under control. Less spectacular river-fed irrigation systems are the prevalent form in most of the valleys and basins of South China. On the other hand, irrigation is used widely in dry field cultivation of other grains as well as vegetables namely in the low plains of North China and of course in the desert oases (Fig. 4).

6　Control of nutrients

Because the harvest is taken out of the ecosystem, soils deteriorate fast when the nutrients are not replaced, making manuring a prerequisite for continuous land use. Despite their diversity the most common soils of China (Acrisols in the south, Kastanozems and Fluvisols in the north) are generally poor in nutrients, thereforean effective control of nutrients is indispensable. Human excrements and dung were always in short supply and chemical fertilizer only became available during the last century. One possibility of balancing nutrient shortage is green manuring. Clover, soybean and Chinese mustard, among other plants, possess a mycorrhiza, which is able to extract nitrogen from the air and store it in the root system. These plants are grown just for that purpose especially in winter, when their flowers dominate many cultural landscapes.

Green manuring is an important example, how the cycle of nutrients is being controlled. This method has been known in China since more than 4000 years, which is known from historical sources. This is only one example, where the historical value of the cultural landscape can be seen (BRAY, 1986). (Fig. 5)

7　The historical value of the cultural landscape

Almost nowhere in the world the value of important historical buildings (like the Great Wall or the Forbidden City) is questioned. With historically evolved landscapes, however, it’s a different case. China has the longest history of agricultural land use and thus of the cultural landscape in the world. Around 9000 B.P. the Neolithic revolution took place simultaneously in two regions on earth: in Mesopotamia and in northern China where, among others, the cultures of Longshan and Yangshao flourished. The fundamental difference between the two regions lies in the fact that in China there has been a continuous development at this same place for over nine millennia without the cultural disruptions and even complete annihilation of cultures that affected the Middle East and Europe.

In China two conditions were crucial for the formation and evolution of the cultural landscape, the shortage of land and all the same the stability of agricultural land use. It is interesting to compare the course of land use development with that in Europe, which took a fundamentally different direction. There, over the centuries, harvests grew with the integration of animal husbandry and arable farming, with mechanization, and, in the 20th century, an increase in the size of the agricultural units. On the contrary in China, increases in productivity where not achieved by the input of capital or the colonization of new land suitable for agriculture. Instead it was the input of labor by which agricultural production was increased. Sustainable and effective land-use systems developed, based on patterns of small plots, accurate work, good organization, and many agricultural innovations. For the characteristic of the cultural landscape, labor intensity and its implications were more important than the social structure. Small plots, for example, remained always the norm, no matter whether large-scale land property or collective ownership existed. A prominent example for a very early project, combining effort, organization and innovation in order to increase productivity is the huge irrigation scheme of Dujiangyan in Sichuan, which was constructed more than 2200 years ago. The various agro-ecosystems developed in China are characterized by making sophisticated use of a whole range of often unfavorable natural conditions.

It would be inadequate to look at the cultural landscape just from the agricultural point of view. Farming is not possible without settlements, merely because agricultural crops need too much attention to leave them alone. Moreover, the development of the cultural landscape is a long-lasting process which requires repeated interventions by man and is unthinkable without settledness. For this reason, any description of the cultural landscape isn’t complete without including the interdependencies between it and the settlement structures.

8　Appearance of the villages

In the first place, rural architecture reflects the necessities of land use and its work flow. Compared to other world regions, Chinese villages exhibit a very compact ground plan with only small lanes, because cattle and horses are largely missing (water buffaloes mostly stay in the fields). With the absence of cattle- or horse-drawn cats wide roads were of no use. For the same reason, stables were not necessary. With most of the processing of the yield on the fields, barns are also missing, causing a uniform appearance of the villages which consist largely only of farmhouses(Fig. 6 ).

9　Location of villages

The location, orientation and integration of villages also shows many relationships with the landscape. The high labor intensity makes it necessary to stay as close to the fields as possible, so the villages are often located in the middle of the fields. Wasting as little of the precious farm land as possible contributed further to the very compact ground plan. Most consequently in the north of China, village homes are oriented towards the south in order to make use of the sun during winter time. As there are very few barns or stables,this is true for most buildings of a village, adding to the uniform appearance. For these reasons, compact, nucleated villages are the norm for the Chinese cultural landscape. (Fig.7 )

10　Building material

Rural architecture was, until very recently, closely related to the locally available building materials and the consequences these imply to the construction itself. Very clearly, regions of building styles in rural architecture can be defined all over China. This includes, for example, the loess cave dwellings on the Loess Plateau and single-storey houses made of adobe bricks in the east. Halftimbered wooden buildings are common in the southwest. Stone houses exist just in small areas, where that material was available. The building material not only determines the appearance, but also dictates the construction, leading from caves in loess to small, one-storey adobe houses. Large multi-storey houses are possible, where wood or stone were available. If stone-slabs are used for roofing, specific adaptations like a lower roof angle is necessary due to the weight of the stone.

All these facts together are leading to a clear regional differentiation of the rural architecture. There exists a multitude of different styles, which can be attributed clearly to certain landscapes and their ecological and agricultural conditions. This is a sharp contrast to urban, imperial and religious architecture, which all show a much more uniform style across the country(Fig. 8).

11　The aesthetical value of the cultural landscape

In many cases human interference has led to the destruction of landscapes due to the collapse of their ecosystems. Agriculture has replaced the natural vegetation, over-exploitation provokes the reduction of nutrients in the top soil, erosion leads to the loss of valuable top soil, saltationis caused by improper irrigation management. From this point of view you could call the Neolithic Revolution the beginning of nature's destruction by man, a perception that would be very one-sided, however. Instead, the decisive question is whether man has learnt to adapt to certain eco-factors and to change others without destroying the ecosystem as a whole. In other words, are the interferences by the farmers into the landscape sustainable on the long term? (Fig. 9)

China is a good example for this question, as there has been an uninterrupted development of its cultural landscape for over nine millennia. This permanence could only be achieved by avoiding over-exploitation of the landscape. If the alterations of the natural ecosystems do not lead to their destruction, that is, if the interferences by man are sustainable on the long term, enduring and stable agro-ecosystems will develop.

This cultural achievement is the intrinsic aesthetical value of the cultural landscape. Consequently, the transformation of the natural landscape into a cultural landscape by human activity should be understood as (re-) shaping of the landscape(Fig. 10).

The design, arrangement and picture of the cultural landscape as we see it was, at least until recently, dictated by the adaptation of land use to the relevant eco-factors of each region. The ensuing interactions between the eco-factors and the people engaged in agriculture are responsible for (re-) shaping the cultural landscape. This process is not to be misunderstood as "art", which would mean the deliberate creation of something new, an idea born out of man's mind (like a garden or park would be). Generally the actions of the farmers and their interventions into the ecosystem are aimed at the maximization of their yield. They only respond, or re-act, to adverse conditions, if they can be modified with reasonable effort in order to optimize land use. Many modifications of the landscape happen unintentionally, or are resulting as long-term consequences which were not at all intended. Only combined, all these interferences are visible as what we call the "cultural landscape". (Fig. 11)

12　Dangers and concepts for the preservation of the cultural landscape

We have to take into account that cultural landscapes are always in a process of changing and developing. No doubt, major changes will hit the cultural landscapes of China in the 21st century, posing huge challenges to landscape planning. Landscape architects have to fight on two frontiers. At home there is pressure from the public opinion against subsidies for agriculture and from farmers for economical working conditions. Internationally, most treaties (like the World Trade Organization) consider agriculture as a normal sector of the economy. Both attitudes disrespect the dominant influence agriculture has on the cultural landscape.

Two developments may occur, most probably simultaneously. Mechanization, further intensification and pressure on land use are the consequences of the reduction of work force and the simultaneous demand for increasedharvests. This development can be expected for areas more favorable to land use. On the contrary, areas with lower yields or being more difficult for agriculture or being too remote will be neglected and threatened with the discontinuation of land use and ultimately with abandonment. These two developments could occur both on the micro-scale within a given region, on a provincial and up to the national level.

Agriculture in general and the consequences visible in the cultural landscape are always lacking somewhat behind the general social development. Even Europe is still in the process of cultural landscape change, China now is at the beginning. Both possible future perspectives, intensification as well as abandonment, would lead to the loss of cultural landscapes, developed over centuries. The consequences are obvious, ranging from an increase in ecological problems to the loss of biodiversity. Seen from the perspective of this paper, the historical and aesthetical values would be lost as well.

It is the task of landscape planning and landscape architecture to produce concepts for developing the cultural landscape on a scale between those two extremes. Cultural landscapes never have been static or fixed structures, they are in a constant process of adaptation to changing conditions. It will be crucial to find ways to combine the preservation of our heritage, the modernization of its use and the ecological stability. In this context it is mandatory for landscape architecture to take into account not only the economic, social or ecologic aspects, but equally the historical and even the aesthetical values the cultural landscape represents. In other words, we have to make it clear to the public that the cultural landscape is part of our cultural heritage.

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(Re-) Shaping the Landscape the Legacy of Human Interference with the Landscape in China

The landscape as a whole represents a section of the earth, including all influences and interdependencies leading to its characteristic shape. In other words, the landscape can be regarded as an ecosystem. The natural landscape is altered to such an extent by the interference of man (in this case farmers and agriculture) that it is defined as cultural landscape. Its ecosystem includes man as a major eco-factor thus becoming an agro-ecosystem.

Cultural Landscape; Landscape Architecture; Landscape History; Land Use System

TU986

A

1673-1530（2016）08-0016-11

10.14085/j.fjyl.2016.08.0016.11

2016-07-06

2016-08-03

約翰尼斯·穆勒1959年出生于德國。研究地理學(xué)、地質(zhì)學(xué)和植物學(xué)。專長于景觀生態(tài)學(xué)以及歐洲和亞洲文化景觀的發(fā)展?，F(xiàn)為景觀規(guī)劃方面的咨詢顧問、地理照片攝影師，擁有自己的攝影機(jī)構(gòu)。

Author:

Dr. Johannes Müller was born in 1959 in Germany. He studied geography, geology and botany. Topics landscape ecology, development of cultural landscapes in Europe and Asia. Working free lance as consultant for landscape planning, he is the author of geographical photographs, own photo agency.

張閣/1993年生/女/北京林業(yè)大學(xué)碩士研究生（北京100083）