主要設(shè)計(jì)者:利茲·奧格布/公共建筑工作室
第二屆全球豪瑞獎(jiǎng)創(chuàng)新獎(jiǎng):自給自足的臨時(shí)工站,舊金山,美國(guó)
主要設(shè)計(jì)者:利茲·奧格布/公共建筑工作室
1 臨時(shí)工站為臨時(shí)工提供了特殊的場(chǎng)所,可供他們聚集并促進(jìn)其就業(yè)/Te day labor station provides a specific place for day labor gatherings and facilitates the employment process
評(píng)委評(píng)語(yǔ)
這是一個(gè)通過(guò)最小限度的城市化物質(zhì)干預(yù)達(dá)到最大限度的社會(huì)公平和社區(qū)改善效果的措施。該項(xiàng)目是以勞動(dòng)力市場(chǎng)和服務(wù)交付平臺(tái)為功能的小型構(gòu)造,受眾群體是那些每天在固定地點(diǎn)聚集等待臨時(shí)工機(jī)會(huì)的臨時(shí)工人。
Jury Appraisal
This is a minimal physical urbanistic intervention with maximum social equity and neighborhood enhancement effects. Te project is a small structure that functions as a labor market and service delivery platform for day laborers who wait for casual work every morning at customary gathering points.
設(shè)計(jì)團(tuán)隊(duì)/Design Team: Liz Ogbu/Public Architecture; John Peterson/Public Architecture + Peterson Architects
臨時(shí)工的一天All in a Day's Work
在美國(guó)許多城市,臨時(shí)工人利用街道角落作為非正式的雇工場(chǎng)所。他們?cè)诼愤吇蛘咄\噲?chǎng)一等等幾個(gè)小時(shí),通常是頂著烈日,也沒(méi)什么便利設(shè)施可以利用。他們等雇主順路雇傭他們工作一天,按天結(jié)算報(bào)酬。由敬業(yè)的建筑團(tuán)隊(duì)設(shè)計(jì)的自給自足式臨時(shí)工站,旨在提高那些發(fā)現(xiàn)自己處于美國(guó)夢(mèng)邊緣的人們的生活質(zhì)量。
在過(guò)去的幾個(gè)小時(shí)內(nèi),5個(gè)墨西哥人坐在一個(gè)小運(yùn)動(dòng)場(chǎng)的臺(tái)階上。他們無(wú)精打采,只是偶爾交談幾句;他們眼睛看向遠(yuǎn)方,流露出無(wú)聊的神情。他們等待著,希望能有工作,也許要等一整天。他們就像在舊金山最著名的臨時(shí)雇工場(chǎng)所塞薩爾·查韋斯街的數(shù)百名臨時(shí)工一樣。
在美國(guó)各地,像這樣的臨時(shí)工超過(guò)10萬(wàn)人。他們被雇傭刷墻、修整花園、搬家具或在建筑工地工作,時(shí)薪幾美元。潛在的雇主在車內(nèi)巡視,根據(jù)面孔選擇他們覺(jué)得可以信任的臨時(shí)工。也許他們會(huì)詢問(wèn)臨時(shí)工的資歷或經(jīng)驗(yàn)。
這是一個(gè)非正式的體系,混雜了健康、安全和社區(qū)問(wèn)題。
盡管通過(guò)競(jìng)爭(zhēng)受雇很難,但臨時(shí)工之間也少有憤怒的感覺(jué)。白天結(jié)束時(shí),他們要花比工作更多的時(shí)間聚集在街道角落。然而,想和這5個(gè)墨西哥人談話,也不容易。
最年長(zhǎng)的伊西多羅比他的同伴稍微親切一點(diǎn)。他來(lái)舊金山已經(jīng)有6年了——“最開(kāi)始我在餐館里工作,后面這個(gè)餐館被賣掉了,我們都沒(méi)了工作?!敝笏恢睂ふ夜潭üぷ鳎菬o(wú)果。臨時(shí)工是他唯一的選擇?!坝袝r(shí)候我一次性工作3天,但可能后面10天都沒(méi)有工作,”他說(shuō)。“你不可能知道明天會(huì)是什么樣子,但你必須接受現(xiàn)實(shí)。”但沒(méi)有工作的時(shí)候他怎么打發(fā)時(shí)間?“我就是坐在這里,有可能一直坐到下午。不然我還能做什么?”
據(jù)美國(guó)移民官員估計(jì),自1990年代起,非法移民已經(jīng)持續(xù)超過(guò)了合法移民。將近一半的非法移民通過(guò)簽證來(lái)到美國(guó),超過(guò)期限仍停留在美國(guó)。有一些是冒險(xiǎn)穿越墨西哥和美國(guó)的邊境來(lái)到美國(guó)。由于沒(méi)有有效的文件,他們沒(méi)有機(jī)會(huì)尋找合法的工作。許多人在非正式市場(chǎng)上尋找工作機(jī)會(huì),僅僅是因?yàn)樗麄儧](méi)有其他選擇。
有些臨時(shí)工稱舊金山為避難所,是因?yàn)榕f金山作為“避難城市”聲名在外。美國(guó)的20個(gè)這類地方同樣有名——他們的市政當(dāng)局和警察不問(wèn)個(gè)人的居住狀況。生活的環(huán)境會(huì)更好一點(diǎn),但還是不那么容易。如果被不守信用的雇主雇傭,可能他們付出了勞動(dòng),卻得不到報(bào)酬。搶劫也很普遍——因?yàn)樗麄兊膱?bào)酬以現(xiàn)金方式結(jié)算,所以他們?nèi)菀壮蔀楸粨尳賹?duì)象。
“臨時(shí)工計(jì)劃”組織是一個(gè)非盈利組織,希望通過(guò)在全美建立100個(gè)官方中心來(lái)解決這些問(wèn)題。這些中心旨在將工人與工作對(duì)接起來(lái),讓他們有固定的時(shí)薪,讓他們的權(quán)益得到尊重。他們還提供教育計(jì)劃——例如語(yǔ)言或電腦技能。但大多數(shù)臨時(shí)工還是會(huì)拒絕到這些中心去——主要因?yàn)樗麄冋J(rèn)為他們?cè)诮诸^可以有更好的選擇,但也因?yàn)檫@會(huì)增加他們對(duì)他們生存狀態(tài)的恐懼。
公共建筑工作室啟動(dòng)了一項(xiàng)計(jì)劃,設(shè)計(jì)了一項(xiàng)解決方案來(lái)提高那些希望停留在街頭的臨時(shí)工的生存環(huán)境。他們?cè)O(shè)計(jì)的自給自足式臨時(shí)工站有靈活的結(jié)構(gòu)、居所、洗手間、廚房和教育/培訓(xùn)空間。臨時(shí)工站使用綠色和回收材料,以盡可能減小環(huán)境足跡以及降低各設(shè)施的成本。
位于舊金山市中心的公共建筑工作室,由約翰·彼得森創(chuàng)建于2002年。“我發(fā)現(xiàn)我想要在自己的建筑作品中有更多的平衡——之前主要為高檔住宅項(xiàng)目,”他解釋?!拔蚁胍谏鐓^(qū)上制造更大的影響?!奔s翰·彼得森和他的團(tuán)隊(duì)構(gòu)思出了舊金山一項(xiàng)公共空間項(xiàng)目的理念——這讓不同機(jī)構(gòu)之間進(jìn)行對(duì)話。于是公共建筑工作室成立了。這讓約翰·彼得森有了更多思考。
“我意識(shí)到,很少的建筑師參與非盈利工作,但是我們有很多可能來(lái)為社區(qū)做一些有意義的事情?!?“1%計(jì)劃”開(kāi)始啟動(dòng)?!?%計(jì)劃鼓勵(lì)建筑和設(shè)計(jì)公司承諾至少用他們1%的時(shí)間來(lái)提供專業(yè)性的無(wú)償工作”,他說(shuō),“我們是公司與需要設(shè)計(jì)援助的非盈利組織之間的協(xié)調(diào)者?!痹撚?jì)劃正在發(fā)揮其預(yù)想的影響——在2005年,也就是該計(jì)劃實(shí)施的第一年,相關(guān)公司提供了市場(chǎng)價(jià)值為200萬(wàn)美元的20,000小時(shí)工作。
約翰·彼得森將公共建筑工作室形容為“建筑實(shí)踐的新典范”。該工作室由基金、公司和個(gè)人捐款和補(bǔ)助金來(lái)維持運(yùn)營(yíng),開(kāi)展工作可以不受常規(guī)實(shí)踐的經(jīng)濟(jì)限制。因而,公共建筑工作室可以為公共利益而工作。
2.3 2007年5-9月,全尺寸的臨時(shí)工站的刻面在庫(kù)珀-休伊特國(guó)家設(shè)計(jì)博物館展出/A full scale section of the day labor station exhibited at the Cooper Hewitt National Design Museum, May-Sep 2007
4 組合圖示/Component diagram
5 可持續(xù)圖示/Sustainability diagram
6 使用圖示/Use diagram
7 平面/Plan
“我們工作室是這樣一個(gè)地方,建筑師可以找到問(wèn)題,思考如何解決問(wèn)題——而不是只對(duì)客戶說(shuō)的‘那樣做’做出回應(yīng)。”他說(shuō)。例如,這個(gè)團(tuán)隊(duì)會(huì)注意怎么樣進(jìn)行創(chuàng)新設(shè)計(jì)來(lái)鼓勵(lì)人們?cè)诠矃^(qū)域的互動(dòng)。“一個(gè)公交站不僅僅是公交站,”他說(shuō)。“公交站是一個(gè)匯聚點(diǎn),特別是在郊區(qū),人們生活在相互隔離的空間。這是一個(gè)讓他們與彼此接觸的地方。”
幾年前,約翰·彼得森參與移民社區(qū)工作的同時(shí)討論了這個(gè)理念?!拔覀儾](méi)有為通勤一族設(shè)計(jì)公交站,而是為臨時(shí)工站提出一種理念——臨時(shí)工站是他們等待工作的庇護(hù)空間,也是休息室?!?/p>
約翰·彼得森與利茲·奧格布一起設(shè)計(jì)了臨時(shí)工站。利茲·奧格布出生在舊金山,在哈佛受過(guò)培訓(xùn),通常認(rèn)為建筑比物體設(shè)計(jì)更為深遠(yuǎn)。她通常與人類學(xué)家的父親在家庭餐桌上討論社會(huì)問(wèn)題,這對(duì)她早年看待社會(huì)問(wèn)題有潛移默化的影響。迄今為止,她所有的社會(huì)項(xiàng)目都有強(qiáng)烈的社會(huì)需求。另外,她的項(xiàng)目都可以被開(kāi)發(fā)各種合適的原型,滿足任何地方的社區(qū)的需要?!拔蚁矚g創(chuàng)造有創(chuàng)新性和適應(yīng)性的東西——它必須具有多樣化和適應(yīng)給定場(chǎng)所實(shí)際情況的潛力?!?/p>
利茲·奧格布在設(shè)計(jì)臨時(shí)工站時(shí)也遵循了同樣的開(kāi)發(fā)程序?!笆紫龋覀?nèi)ヅc臨時(shí)工討論他們的需求”她說(shuō)。“他們的業(yè)務(wù)模型非常簡(jiǎn)單,但是成功的——潛在的雇主到來(lái),描述工作,與工人談妥價(jià)格,將其帶到工作現(xiàn)場(chǎng)。我們的設(shè)計(jì)需要考慮這個(gè)過(guò)程?!?/p>
臨時(shí)工發(fā)現(xiàn)公共建筑工作室認(rèn)真對(duì)待他們的想法時(shí),他們感到很驚訝。“他們是我們的客戶,但是他們沒(méi)有受到這種待遇的經(jīng)歷?!彼f(shuō)。
他們描述的主要問(wèn)題是沒(méi)有取水途徑或者在他們等待工作的時(shí)候沒(méi)有便利設(shè)施。使用附近餐館的便利設(shè)施是他們的唯一選擇,他們也不愿意這樣。在烈日下站幾個(gè)小時(shí)讓他們很虛弱。還有一個(gè)重點(diǎn)就是他們需要確保能與潛在雇主保持良好的眼神接觸。“這就是工作的分配方式,”利茲·奧格布說(shuō)?!芭R時(shí)工認(rèn)為,視覺(jué)接觸是良好雇傭過(guò)程的關(guān)鍵?!?/p>
建筑師設(shè)計(jì)的臨時(shí)工站與他們最開(kāi)始討論的公交站非常類似。臨時(shí)工坐在高木凳上,木凳上方有遮棚。木凳兩端的小房間可以用來(lái)做廁所或廚房。廚房類似移動(dòng)的食品攤販,可以產(chǎn)生現(xiàn)金收入用來(lái)維持臨時(shí)工站的運(yùn)作。臨時(shí)工站是自給自足型的。電由集成在頂棚中的光電模塊產(chǎn)生。臨時(shí)工站的設(shè)計(jì)盡量減小環(huán)境足跡,利用綠色建材來(lái)建造,例如回收的PVC磚、乙烯廣告牌、纖維水泥板以及當(dāng)?shù)鼗厥绽玫哪静摹N房能用回收的餐館裝置來(lái)安裝。
其原型證實(shí)了其可適應(yīng)任何情況的靈活性?!皩?duì)
In many US cities day laborers use street corners as informal hiring sites. For hours on end they wait by the roadside and in parking lots, often in the hot sun and without any amenities. They wait for an employer to stop by and offer a day's work for a day's pay. The self-contained day labor station designed by a team of committed architects aims to improve the life quality of those who find themselves on the edge of the American Dream.
For the past few hours five Mexicans have sat on the steps in front of a small sports ground. Sapped of energy, they share only a few words; bored, they stare into the distance. And wait, perhaps the whole day, for work. As day laborers, they are like hundreds of others who wait around San Francisco's most famous informal hiring site, César Chávez Street.
Over a hundred thousand more are stretched across the USA. For a few dollars an hour, they are hired to paint walls, maintain gardens, move furniture, or work on building sites. Potential employers cruise by in their cars, check out the faces, and choose someone they think they can trust. Perhaps qualifications or experience are asked for.
It is an informal system presenting a myriad of health, safety, and community concerns.
Even though competition to get hired is tough, there is little sense of resentment between the laborers. At the end of the day, they spend more time together on a street corner than working. Engaging the five Mexicans in conversation, however, is difficult.
Yet the eldest, Isidoro, is a little more forthcoming than his friends. He has been in San Francisco for the past six years –"At first I worked in a restaurant, but it was sold and we all lost our jobs." Since then he has searched for permanent work but to no avail. Day labor is his only option.
"Sometimes I have work for three days in a row, then maybe it's ten days of nothing," he says. "You never know what tomorrow brings, but you learn to accept it." But how does he spend his time when there is no work? "I just sit here, perhaps till the afternoon. What else can I do?"
US-Immigration officials estimate that illegal immigration has continued to outpace the level of legal immigration since the 1990s. Almost half of all illegal immi-grants arrive on a visa but overstay its expiry. Others risk crossing the border between Mexico and the USA. Without valid papers, there is no chance of legal work. Many find themselves on the informal market just because there is no other option.
The day laborers who call San Francisco home do so because of its reputation as a "sanctuary city". Around 20 locations in the USA are similarly known – their town hall authorities and police force ask no questions about a person's residency status. Life is better but it certainly isn't easy. If employed by disreputable contractors, perhaps they are not paid for their labor. Robbery is common – paid in cash, they make an easy target.
The Day Labor Program, a non-profit organization, tries to address these issues via their 100 official centers established across the country. The centers aim to connect workers with jobs, at a fixed hourly rate, and with their rights respected. They also offer education programs – language or computer skills, for example. Yet most day laborers avoid the centers – mainly because they believe they have a better chance on the street, but also because it raises fears about their status.
Thanks to an initiative by architectural studio Public Architecture, a solution to improve the situation of day laborers who want to stay on the streets has been developed. Their self-contained day labor station offers flexible structures, shelter, benches, wash-rooms, a kitchen and an education/ training space. Green and recycled materials are used to minimize the environmental footprint and economic cost of each facility.
The studio of Public Architecture based in the center of San Francisco was established by John Peterson in 2002. "I found myself wanting more balance in my architectural work – up until then it was mainly high-end residential projects," he explains. "I wanted to make a bigger impact on the com-munity." Together with his team, ideas for a public space project in San Francisco were sketched – it led to conversations with different agencies. Public Architecture was founded. It also led John Peterson to do some more thinking.
"I realized that few architects engage in nonprofit work, but there is an enormous potential for us to contribute something worthwhile to the community." Te 1% Program sprang to life. "Te 1% Program challenges architecture and design firms to pledge a minimum of 1% of their time to pro bono service," he says. "We act as a facilitator to connect firms with the non-profit organizations who need design assistance." Te program is having its desired impact – in 2005, its first year, 20,000 work hours with a market value of 2 million USD were offered.
John Peterson describes Public Architecture as "a new model for an architectural practice." Supported by foundations, corporate and individual donations and grants, the studio can work outside the economic constraints which apply to conventional practices. Public Architecture therefore can work for the public good.
"We're a venue where architects can identify problems and think about how to solve them – not just respond to a client who says: 'Make that!'," he says. As an example, the team looks at how innovative design can encourage people's interactions in public areas. "A bus stop is not just a bus stop," he says. "It's a meeting point, especially in the suburbs where people exist in detached isolation. It's a place to engage with others."
Several years ago John Peterson discussed this idea with a colleague who was involved with the migrant community. "Instead of a bus station for commuters, we began to develop ideas for a day labor station – a sheltered space for them to wait for work, as well as a restroom."
Liz Ogbu quickly developed a strong relationship withher day laborer clients – a big advantage in the project.
John Peterson designed the day labor station together with Liz Ogbu. Born in San Francisco, and trained at Harvard, Liz Ogbu has always seen architecture as more than the design of an object. With her father, an anthropologist, discussions around the family dinner table informed her opinions about social issues early. All her projects to date have fulfilled a strong societal need. Further, they are developed as prototypes which can be adapted to the needs of communities anywhere. "I like to create something that is both innovative and adaptable – it must have potential to be multiplied and fit the realities of a given location."
For the day labor station, Liz Ogbu followed the same developmental process. "First we went and talked with day laborers about their needs," she says. "Their business model is very simple, but successful – a potential employer arrives, describes the job, agrees a price with the laborer and takes him to the site. Our design needed to take account于廁所,我們有多種可能性。”利茲·奧格布說(shuō)?!霸谟行┑胤?,它甚至可用作露營(yíng)廁所。”經(jīng)過(guò)些微改動(dòng),工作站可以轉(zhuǎn)化為一個(gè)教室。因?yàn)榇蠖鄶?shù)工作在上午9點(diǎn)分配,剩下的人有機(jī)會(huì)使用其空閑時(shí)間來(lái)學(xué)習(xí)志愿組織提供的課程。
臨時(shí)工站滿足最基本的社會(huì)需求。但是建筑師在設(shè)計(jì)時(shí)也考慮了美學(xué)方面?!肮步ㄖぷ魇覉F(tuán)隊(duì)在這些事情方面密切合作,”利茲·奧格布說(shuō)?!肮と税压凸?chǎng)所看得很神圣——我們的結(jié)構(gòu)應(yīng)反映出這種情感?!?約翰·彼得森補(bǔ)充道:“我們旨在回答這個(gè)問(wèn)題:我們?nèi)绾尾拍茉O(shè)計(jì)出解決真實(shí)社會(huì)需求的美麗事物。設(shè)計(jì)的力量不應(yīng)該被低估——它證明了我們非常重視我們的客戶,不管他們處于什么樣的社會(huì)階層?!?/p>
確實(shí),臨時(shí)工生活在社會(huì)邊緣。臨時(shí)工站的理念制造了一個(gè)滿足臨時(shí)工日常需求的敏感性生活環(huán)境。另外,臨時(shí)工站的結(jié)構(gòu)為擴(kuò)展計(jì)劃提供了物理位置,而且加強(qiáng)了臨時(shí)工之間的社會(huì)凝聚力。臨時(shí)工站讓他們有時(shí)候在面對(duì)來(lái)自社會(huì)的敵意時(shí)會(huì)更有尊嚴(yán)地出現(xiàn)在社會(huì)領(lǐng)域中。最后,臨時(shí)工站不僅僅是一個(gè)臨時(shí)工站。就像公交站不僅僅是一個(gè)公交站。它是一個(gè)為社會(huì)階層中臨時(shí)工群體進(jìn)行辯護(hù)的機(jī)會(huì)。
為了證明他們對(duì)項(xiàng)目的敬業(yè),希望臨時(shí)工會(huì)自己建造他們的臨時(shí)工站。這也能將成本降到最低,成本本身由國(guó)家、捐款或非盈利組織提供——“難以找到成本不太高的好方案,”利茲·奧格布說(shuō)。如果不建造地基或太陽(yáng)能收集裝置,單個(gè)成本大約為10萬(wàn)美元。
盡管作為原型建造,但有些希望嘗試實(shí)踐該理念的城市仍在展開(kāi)討論。從城市的角度來(lái)看,其改善臨時(shí)工以及更大的社區(qū)的健康和安全狀況的潛力很大?!胺钦綀?chǎng)所容易引起爭(zhēng)議?!崩潯W格布解釋。“超過(guò)3/4的場(chǎng)地占用其它用途的空間,例如家裝店停車場(chǎng)?!?/p>
她看到的反差就是,臨時(shí)工認(rèn)同美國(guó)核心價(jià)值觀,盡管他們?cè)诿绹?guó)大部分都是非法狀態(tài)。“他們?cè)谶@里是為了讓他們自己和孩子獲得更好的生活——他們?cè)敢鉃檫@個(gè)目的工作!”
“從長(zhǎng)遠(yuǎn)來(lái)看,政治在全國(guó)各地臨時(shí)工站是否布置為非正式場(chǎng)所中發(fā)揮關(guān)鍵作用?!崩潯W格布說(shuō)?!白鳛榻ㄖ?,我們有機(jī)會(huì)和責(zé)任促進(jìn)關(guān)于這類問(wèn)題的對(duì)話?!彼a(bǔ)充道,“沒(méi)有全局的視角,我們?nèi)绾文軇?chuàng)造出更好的世界?”of this process."
8.9 模型/Model views
Yet, the day laborers were amazed when Public Architecture took their ideas seriously. "They were our clients, but had no experience at being treated as such," she says.
The main problems they described were no access to water or amenities during their sometimes long wait for a job. Using amenities in nearby restaurants was their only choice, which generated ill will. Standing in the sun for hours was debilitating. A further point was the need to ensure they had good eye contact with the potential employer. "Tat is how jobs are allocated," Liz Ogbu says. "Visual contact is key to a worker's perception of a fair hiring process."
The station the architects designed was very similar to the bus station of their original discussion. The day laborers sit on raised wooden benches under a canopy roof. At each end boxes can be attached for use as toilet or kitchen – the latter, similar to a mobile food vendor, could generate funds to support maintenance. The station is selfsufficient. Electricity comes from photovoltaic modules integrated into the canopy. Designed to make a minimal footprint, it utilizes green materials such as recycled PVC tiles, billboard vinyl, fiber cement panels and locally sourced, salvaged or recycled timber. Te kitchen can be fitted out with recycled restaurant appliances.
The prototype demonstrates its flexibility to be adapted to any situation. "For the toilet, we have various possibilities," Liz Ogbu says. "In some places it could even be a camper- toilet." With few modifications, the station could be converted into a classroom. As most jobs are assigned by nine in the morning, for the remainder there is the opportunity to use their free time for learning programs that support organizations offer.
The station amply meets the social requirements of the brief. But it is designed with aesthetics in mind as well. "For the team at Public Architecture, these things go hand-in-hand," Liz Ogbu says. "Workers view their hiring sites as sacred – our structure should reflect that." John Peterson adds: "We aim to answer the question: how can we design something of beauty that solves a genuine social need. The strength in design shouldn't be underestimated – it demonstrates we value our clients highly, no matter what strata of society they occupy."
Flexible Solutions: Because community needs vary, the station is designed as a kit of parts to be altered to fit the realities of a given location. The specificity in each context is determined through discussions and coordination with the diverse stakeholders at each project location.
Indeed day laborers live on society's periphery. The station concept creates a sensitive living environment which meets their daily needs. In addition the structure provides a physical location for outreach programs and enhances social cohesion amongst the laborers themselves. It provides them with a more dignified presence in the public realm, in the face of, at times, community hostility. In the end, the day labor station is not just a station. Just as a bus stop is not just a bus stop. It is an opportunity for advocacy about the role of day laborers in the fabric of society.
Demonstrating their commitment to the project, the hope is that day laborers will selfbuild their stations. This is also to keep costs to a minimum, which would need to be covered by the state, donations or non-profit organizations –"it is difficult to find a good solution that isn't too expensive," Liz Ogbu says. Without foundations or solar collectors, the cost per unit is around USD 100,000.
Although built as a prototype, discussions are ongoing with several cities which are eager to trial the concept. From a city's perspective, its potential for improving health and security for day laborers as well as the broader community is high. "Te informal sites are controversial," Liz Ogbu explains. "Over three quarters of the sites occupy spaces meant for other uses such as home improvement store parking lots."
Te irony she sees is that day laborers echo core American values, despite their mostly illegal status in the country. "Tey are here to get a better life for themselves and their children – and they're willing to work for it!"
In the long run, politics will play a significant role in whether day labor stations are deployed as informal hiring sites across the country or not", Liz Ogbu says. "As architects, we have an opportunity and a responsibility to advance conversations on issues such as this," she adds. "Without a holistic vision, how can we create a better world?"
2nd Global Holcim Awards Innovation Prize: Self-contained Day Labor Station, San Francisco, USA
Main Author: Liz Ogbu/Public Architecture